Our Catholic Heritage, Volume II

The Mission Era: The Winning of Texas, 1693-1731.

OUR CATHOLIC HERITAGE IN TEXAS 1519-1936

PREPARED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS OF TEXAS PAUL J. FOIK, C. s. c., PH. D., Edito,

THE MISSION ERA:

THE WINNING OF TEXAS 1693-1731

CARLOS E. CASTANEDA, PH. D.

VOLUME II

AUSTIN VON BOECKMANN-JONES COMPANY, P11blisliers 1936

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NIH/L OBSTAT

JOSEPH MAGUIRE, C. s. C.

President, St. Edward's University Austin, Texas Censor Deputatus

Iil1PR/il1ATUR

+ ARTHUR J. DROSSAERTS, D. D., LL. D. Archbishop of San Antonio + CHRISTOPHER E. BYRNE, D. D., LL. D. Bishop of Galveston + JOSEPH P. LYNCH, D. D., LL. D. Bishop of Dallas + EMMANUEL B. LEDVINA, D. D., LL. D. Bishop of Corpus Christi + ANTHONY J. SCHULER, s. J ., D. D., LL. D. Bishop of El Paso + ROBERT E. LUCEY, D. D., LL. D. Bishop of Amarillo

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TEXAS KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS HISTORICAL COMMISSION

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Honorary Chairman of tlze Commission

THE MosT REv. ARCHBISHOP ARTHUR J. DROSSAERTS, D. D., LL. D.

Executive Committee

REv. PAUL J. Fo1K, C. S. C., PH. D., Chairman REv. JoEPH G. O'DoNOHOE, LL. D., Secretary REv. JOHN S. MuRPHY, LL. D. HoN. JosEPH I. DRISCOLL, LL. D., K. S. G., Past State Deputy HoN. WILLIAM P. GALLIGAN, State Deputy RIGHT REv. MONSIGNOR PETER Gu1LDAY, PH. D., LL. D.

Diocesan Historians

RIGHT REv. MONSIGNOR M. S. GARRIGA, Archdiocese of San Antonio REv. JOHN S. MURPHY, LL. D., Diocese of Galveston REv. JosEPH G. O'DoNOHOE, LL. D., Diocese of Dallas REv. DANIEL A. LANING, Diocese of Corpus Christi REv. Co~STANT M. KLEIN, 0. M. C., Diocese of El Paso REv. ARNOLD A. BOEDING, Diocese of Amarillo

H istoriograplier

CARLOS EDUARDO CASTANEDA, PH. D.

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PREFACE

The period of Texas history covered in this volume is one about which there is little definite information. In fact the years from 1694 to 1714 have been generally referred to as silent years in the history of the State. But a careful search of the numerous manuscript sources gathered by the University of Texas and the Texas Knights of Columbus Historical Commission in the last twenty years has made it possible for the writer to reveal for the first time many details and facts little known or ignored entirely heretofore. It is the purpose of this volume to present a con- nected narrative of life in Texas during the period covered, of the motivating forces that resulted in the permanent occupation of the State, of the conflicting interests of individuals and of nations, and of the sterling nature of the pioneering Padres and Spanish officials who laid the foundations of civilization in the wilds of Texas. The history here presented is much more than that of the missions in Texas. It is rather as complete a na-rrative of events as the author has been able to weave together from all the sources at his command. Heretofore the only connected narratives available were Bancroft's History of the Nortli Mexican States and Texas and Bolton's Texas in tlze Middle Eighteentlz Centz,ry. Recently, with the publication of Pichardo's Treatise on tlze Limits of Louisiana and Texas by Dr. Charles W. Hackett, an invaluable general work of reference for Spanish Texas was brought within the reach of students. More recently the author pub- lished the long sought History of Texas of Fray Juan Agustin Morfi. But the treatment in these various works is unsatisfactory because of their documentary character. In the present volume a more systematic, continuous, and complete account of the permanent occupation of Texas is given for the first time, the detailed development of mission life is revealed and the authentic record of the establishment of the first civil settlement in Texas is made available. The early exploration of the Big Bend country, which has generally been neglected by historians of the State, forms a part of our narrative. It goes without saying, that here is to be found the fullest account of the establishment of ·the missions in Texas, and of the heretofore untold labors and sacrifices of the saintly Padres, who worked patiently for the salvation of souls and even faced death for their faith. The author wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to the Texas

Knights of Columbus who, through their Historical Commission, have made possible the writing of the present volume. He is further indebted to the Rev. Dr. PaulJ. Foi~, C. S. C., of St. Edward's University, Austin, Chairman of ·fhec"ommission, for constant advice and encouragement; to Dr. Eugene C. Barker for helpful criticism; to Dr. Charles W. Hackett for useful suggestions and friendly advice, and to Miss Maurin T. Wilson, Mr. E. W. Winkler, and Miss Winnie Allen, of the University of Texas Library, for their tireless cooperation in checking materials and sources. To the many other unnamed friends who have given kind assistance and encouragement, the author makes known his appreciation.

C. E. CASTANEDA, Latin-American Librarian University of Texas

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CONTENTS CHAPTER I

French Settlement of Louisiana and Spain's Renewed Interest in Texas, 1693-1714 ............................................................................ 1 CHAPTER II The Permanent Occupation of Texas, 1715-1719................................ 33 CHAPTER III The Founding of San Antonio de Valero and the Expansion of Missionary Activity, 1716-1719 .................................................... 70 CHAPTER IV The Aguayo Expedition and the Founding of San Jose Mission, 1719-1722 .......................................... .......................................... .... I IO CHAPTER V Reestablishment of Missions and the Founding of San Francisco Xavier d~ Najera and Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, 1721-1722........ 149 CHAPTER VI The Organization of Mission Life, 1722-1731 ..................... ............... 171 CHAPTER VII Rivera's Inspection and the Removal of the Queretaran Missions to San Antonio, 1723-1731 ............................. ... ..................... .. ... .. ..... . 211 CHAPTER VIII Establishment of San Fernando de Bejar, First Civil Settlement in Texas, 1723-1731 ............................................................................ 268 CHAPTER IX Early Exploration of the Big Bend Country from El Paso to San Juan Bautista, 1683-1731 .. .......... .. ......... .... ............. .... .... ..... .... .. .. .. . 311 Bibliography............................................................................................ 349 Index ........................................................................................................ 369

ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAP

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Venerable Padre Fray Antonio Margil de Jesus, Patron of Texas .............. .............. ................................... ....... ......... .Frontispiece Mission of San Antonio de Valero (the Alamo) ............Facing page 96 Mission of San Josey San Miguel de Aguayo................Facing page 112 Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Purisima Concepcion de Acuna ............. ...... .......... .......... .. ........ ... .. ..... ..... .... Facing page 160 Mission of San Francisco de la Espada............................ Facing page 176 Mission of San Juan Capistrano.............. ... .................. ... .. Facing page 240 Presidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto de la Bahia del Espiritu Santo .... .... .. ....... .... .. ....... .. ... ....... .... ..... ..... .... Facing page 256 Map of Texas, tracing the various expeditions and locating the established missions and presidios........ F acing page 390

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THE WINNING OF TEXAS

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CHAPTER I

FRENCH SETTLEMENT OF LOUISIANA AND SPAIN'S RENEWED INTEREST IN TEXAS, 1693-1714 'With the danger of foreign aggression apparently past, the ardor displayed by colonial officials in driving the French from Texas cooled considerably, and growing indifference soon caused the temporary abandonment, in 1693, of the project to occupy the province. Repeated expeditions and investigations during the preceding eight years had disclosed that the French had lost interest in the estab- lishment of a settlement in that region; that the Gulf coast, particularly that portion lying west of the Mississippi River, offered no inducement for colonization; and that the maintenance of a garrison or settlement was impracticable because of the great expense involved and the grave dangers and almost insurmountable obstacles encountered in transporting the necessary supplies. 1 The distance to the projected establishment was too great from the frontier outposts of New Spain. Loss of interest in T ezas. Up to the time of the abandonment it should be noted that it had been the colonial officials who had taken the initiative in the occupatio~ of Texas, impelled by a sense of duty to the king and to God. Their firm belief that the king's domain was threatened by foreigners, and that the establishment of missions in this remote field would bring thousands of Indians to ultimate salvation through conversion, was the driving force of the first heroic effort to establish a permanent settlement. The home government had given little encouragement at any time to the enterprise and had limited itself to the approval of such measures as had already been put into execution. Spain was too deeply involved in European poli- tics, and the rapidly declining Charles II had neither the vision to realize the importance of the movement, nor the means to carry it through. But when the immediate danger of French aggression seemed past, interest in Texas might have persisted, had it not been that the endeavors of the tireless Franciscan missionaries to Christianize the natives met 1 Testimonio de auttos sobre las prouincias Dadas Por el Emo. Seiior Conde de Calve Virrey de esta nueua Espaiia pra. los socorros y Permanencia de los Religi- osos Misioneros en la Proua. de los Tejas hasta su retirada y razones Porque se executo. pp. 71-7 5, Archivo Ge11eral de /11dias, Audie11cia de Guadalajara, 67-4-1 I (Dunn Transcripts, University of Texas). Reference to these transcripts will be hereafter referred to as D111m Transcripts. [ I ]

Our Catlzolic Heritage in Texas

with scant success. Everything seemed to conspire against them. A flood destroyed one of the newly founded missions ; 2 sickness decimated the little troop of Spaniards left to guard the priests and gave an oppor- tunity to the designing medicine men to lay the blame for the numerous deaths on the waters of baptism; one of the faithful missionaries died; and lastly, the crops planted with untold hardships and under the most trying circumstances by the dauntless sons of Saint Francis proved a complete failure. 3 Disheartening as all these material misfortunes were, what in reality hurt the missionaries most was the intractable nature of the Indians, their indifference, their obstinate refusal to attend services. Father Massanet, who may rightly be called the father of Texas missions, reluctantly had to come to the conclusion that the natives had deceived him. "More than a year of misery and disappointment had sufficed to break even his iron resolution."' The discouraging report written by this enthusiastic and holy man towards the close of 1693, after his sad experiences, effectively put an end to further endeavors for the time being, coming as it did, at a time when interest in Texas had begun to wane considerably among the officials of the viceregal gov~rnment. Texas was to be relegated to oblivion and the natives were to be left without the paternal care of the missionaries for twenty years after this attempt to bring them into the fold of the Church. It is significant, however, that the order for the abandonment was couched in terms which clearly indicated that the measure was temporary. The missionaries were instructed to return to their respective colleges of Queretaro and Zacatecas "until a more fitting occasion arose for the con- tinuance of the work." 5 If Father Massanet's faith in the ultimate success of the enterprise had been shaken, that of others, like Father Hidalgo, was to remain undimmed 2 The second mission, Santisimo Nombre de Maria was founded by the mission- aries who accompanied De Leon, after his departure, in 1689. It was situated on the bank of the Neches River and was in charge of Fr. Jesus Maria Casanas. This. was the mission that was destroyed by a flood shortly after the departure of Teran in 1692. W. E. Dunn, Spanish and, French RivalrJ in the Gulf Coast Region of the United, States, 134-141. 3 Massanet to the Viceroy, June 14, t 693, in Testimonio sobre las Providencias- Dadas, 61-68 (Dunn Transcripts). 'Dunn, o,P. cit., 140-141. 'Respuesta del Fiscal, March 11, 1694, in Prosiguen los Autos de la Retirada de- los Religiosos Misioneros y So/dados .. ., 13-1 5. (Dunn Transcripts).

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French Settlement and Spain's Renewed Interest

and to burn steadily through the years like a flaming beacon upon the outposts of New Spain. From the missions in Coahuila this remarkable missionary was to watch constantly for an opportunity to return to his beloved Tejas Indians who one day were to come in search of him, even though it should be in company with the traditional and inveterate enemies of Spain, the French. Effect on Spain of Frenclz. Settlements. The time came sooner, perhaps, than the officials anticipated, for French interest in Texas had not died but had merely been temporarily diverted. France, like Spain, was absorbed in the devastating wars that marked the closing years of the reign of the ambitious Louis XIV. But before the close of the century French vessels searched again for the mouth of the Mississippi and Frenchmen succeeded at last in establishing the settlement which the unfortunate La Salle had tried to found. "So close are the events of the history of Louisiana connected with those of Texas that it is not possible to narrate with clearness what took place in the second without giving at least a brief summary of the first." 6 / With these words the ablest Franciscan historian of the eighteenth cen- tury, Father Fray Juan Agustm Morfl, points out why it is necessary to digress in treating of the history of Texas during the first years of the century. It was the successful establishment of the French o'?- the Mississippi that unmistakably led to the reoccupation of Texas by Spain as a defense movement, and this step led to the renewal of missionary activity in this vast field. The conclusion of the Treaty of Ryswick enabled Louis XIV to turn his attention once more to his colonial possessions in America. The grow- ing weakness of Spain, the rapidly failing health of the idiotic Charles II, and the keen rivalry of England and France made it imperative for the French king to take immediate steps to secure the lion's share of the colonial empire of Spain. Serious consideration was given again to the establishment of a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi as attempted by La Salle thirteen years before. Several months' preparations for a new enterprise under royal patronage resulted in the organization of an expedition under the direction of Iberville, a Canadian nobleman.7 Four 6 Castaiieda, C. E., lr/orfi's Histor,, of Texas, 1673-1779. 7Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville had distinguished himself in Hudson Bay against the English. He was the third son of Charles Le Moyne, who migrated to Canada in his early youth and became Sieur de Longueil in 1676, Pierre was born in Mon-

Our Catllolic Ii eritage in Texas

vessels were fitted out at Rochefort and the expedition at last set out from Brest on October 24, 1698. Its first destination was Santo Domingo, where it was to be joined by a powerful frigate under the command of the Marquis of Chasteaumorant, ordered there in advance to guard the fleet against the English. From here the five vessels had instructions to proceed to the mouth of the Mississippi to establish a colony. 8 Fully aware of the impotenc;e of Spain, these preparations had been carried on publicly, and no attempt was made to conceal either the desti- nation or the purpose of the expedition. A Spanish subject living in La Rochelle ,~as the first to write, on March 14, 1698, to one of the Spanish ministers concerning the matter. In his report he declared that the French were going to establish a settlement somewhere on the Gulf coast, presumably Pensacola Bay, and that families would be sent from Martinique, Santo Domingo, and Guadalupe for the purpose. 9 This infor- mation was immediately forwarded by special messenger, together with the translation of a pamphlet recently published in France, giving the details of the organization !)f a trading company for the purpose of .colonizing Louisiana under the patronage of Louis XIV. With unusual _promptness the report reached the king who, on April 1, transmitted the ,documents to the Council of the Indies. Occwpation of Pensacola Bay. The news of the designs of the French .aroused the Council to action, and the whole machinery of the govern- ment, both in Spain and in America, was at once set in motion to forestall the impending crisis. On April 7, the Council ordered a summary to be ,drawn up of all the information available on the subject; on the 12th, the matter was discussed by a special ltmta de Guerra; and on the19th, a royal cedula was issued in the name of the king. This order reviewed the whole course of events from the attempted settlement by La Salle to the new preparations now being made to renew the efforts to establish a colony on the Gulf coast, and ended by commanding the immediate occupation treal, July 16, I 661. He died July 9, 1706. A. Fortier, Histor,y of Louisiana, I, 32-33. 8 The sources for the Iberville expedition are printed in Pierre Margry, Decou- vertes et Etablisseme11ts des Fra11fais, Volume IV. Good secondary accounts are found in Fortier, History of Louisiana; Ogg, TIie Opening of tlte Mississippi, 171- 182 ; Dunn, o,P. &it. 9 Diego de Peredo to Enrique Enriquez de Guzman, A. G. I., Aitd. de Guadala- jara, 61-6-21 (Dunn Transcripts).

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Frenclt Settlement and Spain's Renewed Interest

of the Bay of Santa Maria de Galve, the point suspected of being the objective of the French expedition. 10 The royal cedula reached Mexico on July 14, 1698. The effect was immediate. After hurried consultations, active preparations for an expe- dition to carry out the order just received were begun immediately in Veracruz. Four months of feverish activity saw Andres Arriola, 11 the newly appointed governor and commander-in-chief of the expedition, ready to set out. On October 15, the little fleet sailed from Veracruz in search of Pensacola Bay. Arriola was given two sets of instructions, one to be followed in case the French were found in possession of the bay, the other in case the place was found unoccupied. I!? Unfavorable weather detained the expedition on the high seas for more than a month and it was not until November 21 that the coast of Florida was reached. Imagine the surprise of Arriola when he found the bay already occupied. A cautious reconnaissance revealed, however, that the occupants were Spaniards. Four days before, on November 17, Captain Juan Jordan had taken possession of the port and all the surrounding country in the name of the king of Spain. Jordan had come directly from Spain to Havana in the fleet of Zavala, with special instructions to proceed to Pensacola without delay. Agreeable to his orders he had, with the cooperation of the officials in Havana, fitted two vessels, and taking fifty men-his orders asked for one hundred-he had set out from Havana for Florida on November 6, to carry out his instructions. 13 Spain had won in the race for Pensacola Bay. It was not until January 26, 1699, that early in the morning five cannon shots announced to the bewildered Spanish garrison the presence of a small foreign fleet just outside the harbor. Arriola and his men, unable to perceive clearly the movements of the new arrivals, and suspecting hos- 10 Real Cedula, April 19, 1698, in Testimo11io de Autos ejecutados en Virtud de Rl. Cedula de su Mgd. ... A. G. I., Aud. de ,~!exico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts). 11 Andres de Arriola was a typical Spanish adventurer. Up to 1691 when he became sergeant major of the Presidio of Veracruz, he had seen service in three different fleets. In 1694, he was made general of a relief expedition to the Philip- pines. By a fortunate coincidence he made the trip from Acapulco to Cavite in less than four months, making the round trip in less than eleven months, the best record in those days for trans-Pacific navigation. This put him in line for promo- tion and secured for him the appointment as governor. Dunn, op. cit., 176-177. 12 Instrucci6n dada al Mre. de Campo D. Andres de Arriola, in Testimo11io de Autos ejecutados en Virtud de Rl. Cedula ... (Dunn Transcripts). 13 Jordan to the Viceroy, December 6, 1698, in Testimo11io de Autos ejectuados, A.G. /., Aud. de Mexico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts).

Ot1r Catholic Heritage in Texas

tility, immediately replied unceremoniously by firing three shots charged with ball. A boat was forthwith sent to reconnoiter the strangers, which found the fleet to consist of five vessels-three large frigates and two small ketches. When the sun dispelled the fog a little later, the flag of France was clearly seen floating in the breeze. The Spanish colors were promptly raised over the unfinished fort and the garrison put under arms in expectation of an attack. The day passed without any hostile move- ment. On the following day M. Escalette was sent by the commander of the French squadron, the Marquis of Chasteaumorant, to get permission of the Spanish commander to land and replenish their water and wood supply. M. Chasteaumorant declared he had come at the order of the king of France to drive out certain Canadian adventurers who were suspected of taking refuge in this region. The request was courteously but firmly refused and the French were instructed by Arriola to look for another place along the coast where they could get the desired water and wood. On the 29th, the French tried to sound the entrance to the harbor but were curtly ordered away. On Jan- uary 30, the little squadron put out to sea and was lost in the horizon, after having registered a formal protest with the Spanish commander against the inhospitable manner in which it had been received. It is to be noted that during the four days which the little fleet was anchored before Pensacola, Iberville and the colonists-for the expedition was no other-had been kept well in the background. The two ketches in which the settlers were quartered remained a safe distance away and no indication of the real purpose of the expedition was given to the Spaniards.H The French, it seems, had not expected to find Pensacola occupied by the Spaniards. Iberville had made careful inquiry, while in Santo Domingo, as to the location of the Mississippi and the presence of the English in the region, but had obtained no definite information about either. Fearful of repeating La Salle's mistake, he had decided to sail directly from Santo Domingo to Florida with the intention of following the coast west- ward from there until the Mississippi River was reached. Little did he think he would find the Spaniards already there. HThe Spanish sources for this incident are all included in the Testimonio de A11tos ejecutados, A. G. I., Audiencia de Afexico, 61-6-22, already referred to, (Dunn Transcripts), which consists of 343 typewritten pages. The French sources have been published in Margry, Decouvertes et Etablisse111e11ts de F-ran;ais, IV, A good account is found in Dunn, S,Panisll and F-rencll Rival-r,y in tlze Gulf Coast R1gio11, 146-191.

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F1·e11cli settle Louisiana. Upon leaving Pensacola on January 30, the French expedition made its way to Mobile Bay, where it spent a few days before proceeding along the coast to present day Ship Island. From here the exploration of the coast was continued in canoes until the mouth of the Mississippi was finally discovered on March 2. In order to avoid any risk of passing by the river, Iberville hit upon the idea of using two long canoes to explore the coast more minutely. Fifty men and a missionary, the experie'1ced Father Anastasius Douay, who had been with La Salle fourteen years before, accompanied Iberville. With almost no difficulty he came upon the goal of his search. "We per- ceived a pass between two banks which appeared like islands. We saw that the water had changed; tasted and found it fresh . • • As we advanced we saw the passes of the river, three in number ... On the third a Te Demn was sung in gratitude for having found the river." 15 In April a temporary fort was built at Biloxi and Iberville, having accom- plished the main purpose of his expedition, prepared to return home at once to make further plans for the development of the new colony. Out of regard for his powerful protector he named the fort Maurepas. 16 But let us return to the Spaniards at Pensacola. It seems strange they did not take more active measures to prevent the French from landing on the coast. As a matter of fact, it was a full year before they even discov- ered the existence of the French settlement at the mouth of the Mississippi, and fourteen years before definite steps were taken to prevent their efforts to penetrate into Texas. To understand this paradox, let us see what effect the visit of the French had upon Arriola, and why the viceregal govern- ment, after displaying such activity in occupying this harbor, did nothing to oust the French from the coast region. No sooner had the French squadron departed than Arriola called a council of war. The Spanish garrison had not been deceived by the visitors. It was plain that they intended to found a settlement somewhere on the Gulf coast. Arriola now submitted three questions to the assembled officers. First, was it advisable to send a boat to observe the movements of the French? Second, should Arriola remain at Pensacola or embark for i\'Iexico without loss of time to secure the necessary naval force and supplies to prevent the French from carrying out their designs? Third, were there any suggestions for defence? The council of war was unanimous on the inadvisability of sending a boat to watch the movements of the French

15 French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florid,z, II, 52-57. 16 French, Historical Collectio11s of Lo11isi,111tJ a11tl Florid.,z, II, 110-11 J.

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Our Catholic Heritage in Texas

fleet. The boat would be easily captured and precious time would be lost. With but one dissenting vote it .was agreed that Arriola should leave immediately for l'vlexico. Accordingly on February 2, he embarked for Veracruz, leaving Francisco Martinez, 17 an experienced officer, in charge of the fort. Upon his arrival in Veracruz, Arriola found Spanish officials deeply concerned over what at that time was considered the most serious aggres- sion of Spain's colonial empire. From Caracas and from Havana conclu- sive evidence of a contemplated Scotch settlement on the Isthmus of Darien had been sent to the viceroy with an urgent appeal for immediate help to ward off this grave menace to the interests of the king. The dis- quieting news of the French on the Gulf coast now brought by Arriola only added to the already tense situation. Special councils were ordered to meet both in Veracruz and in Mexico City to discuss the situation and decide on a course of action. The majority of the officials was inclined to consider the danger from the French as more imminent and of more serious consequences to New Spain than the remote peril of Darien. But the viceroy, with a broader view of things, would not be convinced, and steadfastly refused to allow any action to be taken with regard to the French until the threat of a Scotch settlement at Darien was past. He firmly believed that the French, upon finding Pen- sacola previously occupied, had returned home. In spite of all the efforts of Arriola, action was deferred for almost a year. 18 In the meantime the French settlers gained a secure foothold. Iberville returned to the settlement at Biloxi on January 8, 1700. During his absence an English corvette carrying twelve guns, had entered the Mis- sissippi but Bienville had succeeded in forcing it to leave. This news, however, and the fact that English traders from Carolina were among the Chickasaws, made Iberville take immediate steps to establish a fort on the banks of the river. He placed four guns there and gave the com- mand to Bienville and M. de Saint Denis, "a Canadian of noble birth," 17 Francisco Martinez had accompanied De Leon's expedition to Texas in x689 and had also been in Texas with Teran in 1691. When it was decided to occupy Pensacola, he was made sergeant major and second in command of the expedition under Arriola. Dunn, op. cit., 108, 132, 133, 137, 179. 11£/ Virrey de Na. Espa,ia Da que11ta a V Al. con Autos de las ,provide11cias qtte a,Plico ,pa. que los 11auios del gl. Don 1lfa11. de Zavala ,pasase11 al exterminio de escozeces . •. July 14, 1699. 16 pp. (Dunn Transcripts).

French Settlement and Spain's Renewed Interest

declared Morfi, "whom we shall shortly see playing an important role in the history of Texas." 19 Perhaps, because Spain and France were nominally at peace, it is curious to note how the French in Louisiana resorted to a clever ruse to deceive the Spaniards during the first year of their establishment. After Arriola left for Veracruz, Martinez sent a scouting party to Mobile Bay to ascertain if the French were still there. The men reported that signs of their short stay were visible, but that no ships had been seen. The fears entertained as to the designs of the French now rapidly subsided, but persistent rumors of the presence of Englishmen in the vicinity of Pen- sacola greatly alarmed the half-starved and sick-ridden Spanish garrison. Fear of the Englisli. Early in February, 1699, a dispatch from Gov- ernor Laureano de Torres y Ayala reached the distressed troops at Pen- sacola, warning them of the designs of the English. The letter went on to state that Francisco Romo de Uriza had been sent to the colony of St. George (Carolina) in the summer of 1698. While there he learned that the English were contemplating the occupation of the Gulf coast in the neigh- borhood of the Mississippi River and the Bay of Espiritu Santo. 20 The news greatly alarmed Martinez, and the garrison was almost thrown into a panic by further details of the English designs sent by Governor Torres soon after. The governor declared that in January an English vessel was wrecked near St. Augustine and some of the survivors were given shelter at the presidio there. Later, Torres had sent back the Englishmen escorted by a group of Spanish soldiers to the colony of St. George for the purpose of finding out more about the intended occupation of the Gulf coast. The report was brought back that five vessels ready for sail had been observed in the English fort and that a settlement at Apalache was being planned.n The suspicions of Martinez and the famished soldiers left at Pensacola seemed at last confirmed when on May 2 two English sailors arrived at the presidio in a small boat and claimed they had been shipwrecked while on their way from Jamaica to New England. Cross-examination of the men revealed that they knew of no English colony to the west. Nevertheless, Martinez decided to send them to Mexico for further questioning. On May 4, a small vessel which had brought some needed supplies from 19 Castaiieda, Aforfi's History of Texas. 20 Martinez to the Governor of Havana, February :? 1, I 699, in A. G. I., Audi- encia de 111exico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts). 21 Torres to the King, September 16, 1699, A. G. I., A uctie11ci,1 d,: ,1/h·ico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts).

Our Catholic Heritage in Texas

Havana, set sail for Veracruz, carrying the disabled men and the two English sailors with a detailed report of the fears entertained concerning the activities of that nation. 21 But neither the viceroy nor the viceregal officials gave much credence to the tales of an English settlement. Curious enough, the fiscal, Bal t a s a r de Tobar, without any concrete evidence~ arrived at the correct conclusion and affirmed that the supposed English vessels were in reality French. 23 But his urgent recommendation that steps be taken to drive them out of the Gulf region went unheeded. It was the continued and persistent rumors of the presence of Englishmen, as reported by the Indians, which at last resulted in the issuance of orders to Arriola, when he was about to return to Pensacola at the close of 1699, to undertake the expulsion of the intruders. After setting things in order, Arriola finally succeeded in organizing an expedition to go in search of the supposed English colony. With one hundred of his best men, he set out with four vessels on March 4, 1700, to find it west of Pensacola. Both Martinez and Franck accompanied Arriola. The expedition made its way first to Mobile Bay. A few miles west a party of Indians was sent ashore to reconnoiter. They soon returned to report that a short distance away was a fort garrisoned by about two hundred men and that it was further protected by a fleet of several vessels. Before the excitement of this discovery died down, there came in sight a small boat flying the English flag. It was immediately overtaken, and, to the surprise and bewilderment of the Spaniards, it was found to contain ten Frenchmen instead of Englishmen.H The men declared that they were on their way to Biloxi, where the French had a fort which they had built in April the year before, immediately after the departure of M. Chasteau- morant; that another fort had been established twenty-five leagues up the river; and that about four hundred leagues still further up there was a third French fort. The English mystery was thus cleared up and Arriola was now faced with the accomplished fact of the French occupation of the Mississippi. He released the prisoners and sent them on to the French fort with a 22 .Martinez to the Viceroy, May 4, 1699, A.G. I., A11die11cia de Mexico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts). 23 Respuesta fiscal, June S, 1699, in Testi111011io del Segundo Quaderno de Autos ... sobrt. la Poblazon :Y fortificazion de la BaMa de Santa Ma. Calve. A. G. I., Audiencia de Ale:rico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts). %tfranck to the King, June 4, 1700, A. G. I., A11diencia de Mexico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts).

Frenclt Settlement and Spain's Renewed luterest

strong protest against the invasion of Spanish territory in time of peace. He sent word that he would follow shortly and pay the fort a personal visit. When on March 23 the Spanish expedition reached Biloxi, they were politely entertained and feasted by the French. But the courtesy of the invaders, who regaled the Spaniards with such delicacies as fresh bread, milk, eggs, wine, and even brandy, did not make Arriola forget his duty. He again protested in the strongest terms against the French settlement of Spanish territory and demanded the evacuation of the set- tlers. The commander of Biloxi politely replied he had taken possession of the land by order of his king to keep the English out; that he could do nothing without orders from France. To attack the fort was out of the question. Arriola remained at Biloxi four days and started on his return trip on March 27. But misfortune haunted the Spaniards. Three days later a terrific hurricane destroyed all but one vessel. Most of the men swam ashore and drifted into the French fort where they were given gracious hospitality until new vessels could come from Pensacola to take them home. 25 The reports of Arriola and his officers convinced the Spanish officials in New Spain that to attempt to oust the French was futile with the resources at hand. It was necessary to await the pleasure of the king before any further steps were taken. Thus the French gained a permanent foothold on the Gulf coast, which, like a thorn, rankled constantly the sensitive honor of Spain's officials and resulted ultimately in the formal occupation of Texas. Deatlz of Clzarles II. The imbecile Charles II was rapidly reaching the end of his inglorious reign. Spain and its immense colonial empire seemed crushed under an evil genius that paralyzed all action. The impo- tence of the viceregal officials in coping with foreign aggression on the Gulf coast was but a faint reflection of the incapacity of the ruler and his equally worthless advisers. France had violated the sovereignty of Spain in America with impunity and firmly established herself ·at the mouth of the Mississippi, laying the foundation for the permanent occu- pation of the vast territory of Louisiana. At last, death stepped in to end the feeble existence of Charles II, who died in November, 1700. The grandson of the powerful Louis XIV promptly ascended the throne as Philip V, first of the new Bourbon line.

25 Arriola to the Viceroy, June 4,

1700, in A. G. /., A11dieucia de ilfb:ico, 61-6-22

(Dunn Transcripts).

Our Cat/10/ic Heritage in Texas

Frencli encroachmc11ts from Louisiana. Numerous were the weighty problems which called for an immediate solution by the new ruler, but chief among these was the unsettled question of Pensacola and Louisiana. Recognizing the rightful claim of Spain to the Gulf region, the French court was the first to broach the question with an explanation of its action and a request for a free and unmolested title to the region now occupied. The Duke of Harcourt, French ambassador to Madrid, was sent a lengthy dispatch drawn up by Pontchartrain, on March 23, 1701, in which he frankly stated the position of France with regard to Louisiana. The pri- mary object in encouraging the discovery of the Mississippi had been, he declared, to aid the French settlements in Canada in securing an outlet for trade. He then went on to explain that Iberville's explorations had dis- closed the ulterior designs of the English, who had intended to take posses- sion eventually of the rich mines in New Spain. Their powerful and popu- lous settlements in Pennsylvania, New York, and Carolina made such a project feasible, particularly in the face of Spain's inability to protect her extended frontiers. Mindful of this fact and desirous of impeding a scheme so detrimental to the interests of Spain, the king of France had decided to occupy the mouth of the Mississippi and the adjacent territory to protect the frontiers of New Spain, but with no intention of doing anything contrary to the wishes of Spain. 26 The dispatch was accompanied by a copy of a memorial prepared by Iberville, who pointed out that unless France and Spain joined forces to stop them, the English would eventually seize Mexico. The possession of the Gulf region and the Mississippi by the French, he argued, was the best safeguard for the Spanish dominions in North America. He went so far as to hint broadly that Spain should give up her opposition to the colonization of Louisiana and allow France to occupy Pensacola in the event the fort be abandoned. 27 The Duke of Harcourt presented the dispatch and attached memorial and map to the young Philip V, who in turn sent the documents to the Junta de Guerra with an urgent request for the earliest possible consider- ation of this weighty matter. On June 6, this body discussed the question at length in view of all the information at hand. Three months before, in February, the ltmta had received a report of all that had transpired at Pensacola since Arriola's discovery of the French settlement, the dissatis- :6Pontchartrain to the Duke of Harcourt, March 23, 1701. Translation in A. G. I., Audiencia de Afe:rico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts). 2;~largry, Dccouvertes et Etablissemmts, IV, 543-550.

l l

I I

Freuclt Settlement and Spain's Renewed Interest

faction of the troops stationed at that post, and the decision of the viceroy to defer all action against the French until he obtained further orders from the king. 28 After carefully weighing all the circumstances the Junta drew up a series of recommendations. With characteristic Spanish courtesy it advised that the king of France should be thanked for what he had done to preserve the integrity of the dominions of Spain, for the extension of the Catholic faith, and for his timely warning of the designs of the English-ignoring, as it did, that the French had used the English flag to cover their own designs; it recommended that Pen- sacola should be maintained at all costs because of its strategic position; that the governors of New Spain, Florida, Havana and Campeche be ordered to give all possible aid to the garrison; that the offer of coopera- tion on the part of the French navy to check the English be welcomed; and lastly, that the king of France be asked to instruct his officers in the settlements on the Mississippi River and adjacent territory to secure com- missions from the Spanish government, in order that the viceroy of New Spain might be able to give them the necessary assistance in the per- formance of their duty. 29 Although courteous, the ]mita de Guerra was firm in its recommenda- tions to safeguard what it considered the integrity of the Spanish domin- ions against the encroachments of foreign powers. But the.se were not accepted without one dissenting vote. The Count of Hernan Nunez upbraided the Junta for its impractical recommendations with unaccus- tomed frankness and severity. He discussed at great length the impos- sibility of carrying out the suggestions made, and emphatically declared that it was useless to attempt the impossible. "Seldom, if ever, had the dignified ltmta listened to words of such uncompromising frankness," declares an able historian. 30 He pointed out that if Spain was sincere in her desire to preserve and extend the Catholic faith, she should accept the offer of the French king instead of trying to deceive herself into believing that by the mere promulgation of royal decrees fleets could be built, Pensacola colonized, and other fortifications constructed. 31 2 BPara despachar dos cartas de Dn. Andres de Arriola sobre Vahia de Pensacola y Poblazion de franceses en aquella costa. A. G. I., Audicncia de 11/exico, (Dunn Transcripts). 29 Consulta de la Junta de Guerra, June 6, 1701, A. G. I., A11die11cia de Afexico, 61-6-35, (Dunn Transcripts). JODunn, op. cit., 209. 31 Consulta de la Junta de Guerra, June 6, 1701, A. G. I., Audie11cia de Mexico, 61-6-35 (Dunn Transcripts).

I I

O"r Catl,olic Heritage in Texas

When the report of the J,mta reached the king, he was no more pleased-or convinced by its arguments than was the critical and matter-of-fact Count of Hernan Nunez. The king thought the report was too brief and not sufficiently clear on a number of vital questions, such as the means with which the recommendations of the ltmta for the occupation of Pensacola, the establishment of settlements on the Mississippi, and the defence of these new establishments were to be carried out. Consequently, on June 17, he returned the report to the Junta with a number of specific questions to be answered in .detail. Taking for granted that the king asked for additional information because he approved the recommendations in principle, the Junta replied extensively on June 21. It pointed out that in addition to the regular revenue of New Spain, which could be applied to the project, there were numerous other sources of revenue such as the medias anatas of the encomiendas, the tax on arms, the bull of the Holy Crusade, the A lcabalas, the million of the charitable subsidy granted by the Pope, the profits from quicksilver, and the royal fifths. The actual occupation of Pensacola, as well as the settlement of the Mississippi being now an accomplished fact, the only thing necessary for their maintenance was to issue the cor- responding orders to the viceroy in New Spain. It then went on to suggest that in order to check the possible advance of the English, to which Iberville alluded., alliances with the tribes of Apaches, Apalachi- colas, Tejas, and such tribes as inhabited Nuevo Leon and New Mexico could be formed, which would prove an insuperable obstacle to the designs on the rich mines of New Spain. In the course of its arguments in support of the recommendations, the J,mta declared that the first duty of the Spanish government was to keep the Catholic faith pure and undefiled in the new world, granted to the crown for that purpose. It should be noted that in giving his vote, Martin de Solis, one time fiscal of the Council of the Indies and now a member, specifically sug- gested that the viceroy of New Spain should be instructed to send special envoys to the Tejas Indians, asking them not to allow the English to pass through their lands while attempting to reach New Spain.3 1 The vote of the various members of the Junta contain numerous references to the Tejas as a means of blocking the advance of either the English or French to New Spain, a fact which clearly points to the realization of the importance attached to these Indians, and which makes evident the inti- l!Consulta de la Junta de Guerra, June 21, 1701, A.G. I., Audiencia de Alexico, 61-6-35, (Dunn Transcripts).

Ill

Frend, Settlement and Spain's Renewed Interest

mate association that existed in the minds of Spanish officials at this time between the territory occupied by the Tejas and the French settlements on the Mississippi. The bulky report was sent without loss of time to the king, together with the former recommendations and a French translation of the entire proceedings for the king of France. Philip V, upon receipt of the docu- ments, wrote a letter to his grandfather and-forwarded the French trans- lation on July 5, 1701, 33 without writing a word to the ltmta. Almost a whole year was to elapse before the subject was again brought to the attention of that body by an unexpected coincidence. Paying little or no attention to the emphatic protest of the Spanish government, as expressed in the lengthy report of the Junta transmitted to the French king, Mobile Bay was formally occupied early in 1702. Martinez sent immediately full details of the matter from Pensacola in a letter dated April 14, 1702. Iberville, he explained, had appeared at Pensacola on December r6, 1701, and requested permission to enter. The request was granted in view of the close relations existing between the two crowns. Three days later, Iberville informed Martinez he had orders from the king of France to occupy Mobile Bay "before the English should seize it." In vain did Martinez protest and entreat Iberville to defer carrying out his purpose until he could receive instructions from the viceroy of New Spain. The French commander merely reiterated that his royal master's only desire was "to act for the best interests of both crowns'?' as he systematically went about the occupation of Mobile and Martinez stood helplessly watching every move. Upon receipt of this information the Junta immediately held a meeting and on August r, 1702, reported the whole matter to the king. They called his royal attention to the fact that the extension of the French settle- ments in the coast region was detrimental to the best interests of Spain, that on two previous occasions the attention of the king had been called to these encroachments; and that until he made some decision in the matter, the .Junta was unable to apply the necessary remedies to preserve the integrity of the king's domains. 35 The king did not appreciate the zeal of the Junta in pointing out the serious consequences of his procrastination. Such frankness shocked the UMargry, Dicouvertes et Etablissements des Franfais, IV, 552-553. 34 /bid., 576-580. 35 Consulta de la Junta de Guerra, August 1, 1702, A. G. I., Audie11c-i.-z de Jllerico, 61-6-22 (Dunn Transcripts).

01,r Catl,olic Heritage in Texas

sensitive monarch who, instead of thanking his well-meaning advisers, made the following annotation on the margin of the report: This notice is incomplete. Since the papers, which the Junta says have not arrived, are lacking, this representation is premature, and it is couched in such ill-advised terms that it has displeased me exceedingly, and caused me great surprise that ministers of such experience and high rank should have allowed it to reach my hands. 36 In the meantime the French continued to establish themselves firmly along the Gulf coast from Mobile Bay to the mouth of the Mississippi and to strengthen their communications along the river as far north as Canada, drawing closerall the time to the Red River and the outskirts of NewSpain. It has been thought erroneously that during the period from the aban- donment of the missions in 1693 until the appearance of St. Denis at the Presidio of San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande in 1714, there was little or no interest in Texas either on the part of the French ·or the Spanish and that the entire province was relegated to the savages. "For more than twenty years its history is almost a blank. The Spaniards in Mexico forgot it in the press of more urgent matters ... The fear of a French intrusion into Spanish territory, which in the years 1689, 1690, and 1691 had been strong enough to induce the viceroy to send a company of priests and soldiers exploring far into the interior of Texas, grew less and less as the years passed, and no further attempt was made by the French to claim or possess the territory between the Red River and the Rio Grande. The rulers of New Spain, satisfied with a potential ownership, fell into a state of indifference toward the northeastern lands," declares Clark. 37 But since the time this statement was made, many new .sources have been made available and this period, considered generally a "blank" in our history, has been gradually revealed as one during which activity went on, interest continued, and the determining forces that resulted in the final and per- manent occupation of Texas developed. It has been shown how in an effort to forestall the French on the Gulf coast, Santa Maria de Galve was established, how the French surreptitiously made a permanent settlement at Biloxi, how they had recourse to a subterfuge to keep the Spaniards at Pensacola from discovering their infant colony, and how both the officials in New Spain and in Madrid tried to prevent this intrusion but lacked the means and the moral support of the king to carry out their purpose and safeguard the integrity of the Spanish dominions.

3 6 Dunn, op. cit., 215. 57 R. C. Clark, op. cit., VI, 3.

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