State-funded, international tours like Batsheva’s are also a part of this strategy, and state funding for internation- ally-facing art contractually requires artists to represent the state and its policies pos- itively. 7 Notably, The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes Batsheva as “the best known global ambassa- dor of Israeli culture.” 8 This “artwashing” relies upon international audi- ences, particularly Ameri- cans, believing that a society that creates great art cannot also create immense vio- lence—or at least that the former outweighs the latter. It also disturbingly implies that Palestinians and others in the region are less worthy of life and security because they don’t produce
the impression of authoritarian- ism among international audiences. However, the visible presence of opposition, carefully controlled by the state to remain relatively tooth- less, creates the illusion of political freedom. Naharin explicitly endorses this vision, declaring Israel has robust protections of expression 10 and that there is “no such thing as censorship in Israel,” 11 (even as he is threatened with censorship himself, as discussed below). But such state- ments overlook numerous well- documented restrictions of expres- sion that disproportionately target Palestinian citizens of Israel. 12 Consider the substance of Batsheva’s “resistance” highlighted in the documentary Mr. Gaga . Participating in the 50 year celebra- tion of Israel’s founding, Naharin refused to change the costuming of his piece to appease the sensibilities of religious conservatives, even after the government’s warning and fears of losing funding. Yet the very prem- ise of this event—commemorating nation-building through the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians during the Nakba—was never addressed. Most recently, Culture Minister Miki Zohar has made attempts to halt Batsheva’s government funding for having a Palestinian flag on stage in a dance featuring dozens of other flags. Headlines about this drama fuel impressions of Batsheva as a source of artistic resistance. In real- ity, the piece has no discernable mes- sage of solidarity. Batsheva’s official communication following the Minis- ter’s threats emphasized that the flag appeared “in a broad artistic context,” dispelling any suspicions of alignment with the Palestinian cause. 11 This instance demonstrates the tight ideological restriction that comes with a “cultural ambassador” status. If an incidental reference to Palestine is off-limits, the hope 10 Ohad Naharin: On Love for Israel 11 Israeli Minister Threatens to Stop Funding of Famed Dance Troupe Over Use of Palestinian Flag in Performance 12 Crackdown on Freedom of Speech of Palestinian Citizens of Israel
WHAT TO DO Dancers and dance audiences of conscience should: 1. Boycott Batsheva performances and auditions as well as Gaga classes and workshops. 2. Urge your local institutions to cut ties with Batsheva, Gaga, and other complicit institutions. • Contact Dancers for Palestine (dancersforpalestine@gmail.com) for help drafting outreach language. 3. Protest performances near you on Batsheva’s upcoming tour. • Follow us for updates on protests (Instagram: @dancers_for_palestine) • If you’re planning a protest, contact us to amplify to our followers and to provide you with materials and messaging suggestions. 4. Find alternative dance forms. We encourage you to seek other improvisational, kinetic, and somatic practices that can provide a similar experience without supporting a propaganda arm of a genocidal government.
the same “great art” that Israel does. (Of course, this premise relies on ignorance of Arab and Middle Eastern art legacies.) GESTURES OF “RESISTANCE” B atsheva has been known to offer lukewarm opposition to Israeli leadership, satisfying an international dance sphere that is liberal-leaning but not politically criticalt. Within an Israeli society that is threatened by any mention of Palestine’s existence, vague references to Palestine in Batsheva dances 9 are often interpreted as sympathy. A September 2024 Instagram post, after nearly a year of genocide in Gaza, read “STOP THE WAR NOW. NO MORE BLOODSHED! We support hope, life, dignity and freedom for all.” This limited opposition, to describe it generously, is enabled by the state because it ultimately serves to pro- mote the image of Israel as a diverse liberal democracy. Political homoge- neity and the absence of debate create
that government-contracted artists and institutions could be a serious source of internal resistance is clearly misguided. GAGA W hile Batsheva tours have long been recognized as a BDS target for its gov- ernment ties and cultural ambassador status, there has been less attention placed on Gaga Movement Ltd., the for-profit company dedicated to Ohad Naharin’s “movement language”Gaga. Under BDS guidelines, Israeli companies can be considered boycot- table if they do not publicly recognize the rights of the Palestinian people as enshrined in international law, including the end to occupation, the end to Apartheid discrimination, and the right of return for Palestinian refu- gees. Further, to be non-boycottable, they must end all complicity in whitewashing or justifying Israel’s violations of international law and Palestinian human rights. Because
of Gaga Movement’s close affiliation with Batsheva, it can be considered a co-creator of Batsheva’s interna- tional brand and a member of the same artwashing project. The seductive appeal of Gaga’s aesthetics on the international contemporary dance world in the last 15 years cannot be overstated. Franchised Gaga classes for danc- ers and non-dancers are now offered in dance studios and universities in over 20 countries, as well as online. Various workshops, intensives, and luxury dance retreats are offered in Israel and internationally. Especially for those trained in more rigid techniques, the sensation-based classes can feel like a taste of freedom, seeding fantasies of Israel as a progres- sive art hub. As the elastic movement quality and improvisational skills associated with Gaga have become an expectation for professional dancers and Batsheva a common “dream company,” Tel Aviv has become an idyllic dance intensive destination, with dancer-tourists disregarding the
Demonstration at the Joyce Theater, NY, May 2024
help establish that engaging with Batsheva and Gaga—through buying tickets, attending classes, or audition- ing—has political implications. STATE FUNDING AND BRAND ISRAEL W hile Batsheva is most widely known today for the choreographic work of Ohad Naharin (Artistic Direc- tor from 1990-2018 and current House Choreographer), Batsheva’s relationship with cultural imperi- alism originated much earlier. The company formed 16 years after Isra- el’s founding and was originally directed by American modern dance icon Martha Graham, whose inter- national presence was supported by the US State Department. From the very beginning, Israel and its propo- nents viewed dance as a necessary
component in establishing their cul- tural supremacy over Palestine, 3 much like the US’s vision of modern dance as a weapon in their world- wide campaign against communism. 4 Unsurprisingly, Batsheva has become a useful tool in Israel’s 21st-century Brand Israel strategy, launched in 2005 to revitalize the nation’s image, especially with Americans. The cam- paign explicitly and publicly aims to move Israel’s role in the international public imagination from violence and conflict towards art, culture, youth, and modernity, both through direct government funding and by incentiv- izing private companies. 5 The campaign invests heavily in arts and culture. Israel has long offered celebrities luxurious gifts and trips to win their public approval. 6 3 Social Choreography ‘A Dancing Body Offers Legitimacy to the State’ 4 Dance as Propaganda 5 Brand Israel Brief History 6 Israel Offers ‘swag bag’ to Oscar nominees
7 Putting Out a Contract on Art 8 Culture: Dance 9 Your Curiosity Will Not be Satisfied
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