Strait_v1n3_1971-10

27 OCTOBER - 9 NOVEMBER 1971

• j_ IS 210,000,000

strait 27 OCTOBER - 9 NOVEMBER 197 I

CONTENTS

5

Fl ELD NOTES - GEORGE HOWELL

6

THE owL ·s CORNER - JosEPH suNzEL

ANDREW ELSTON Editor HELENE HEIT Business Manager Advertising Manager

MIND'S EYE - JAN NUZZO

7

NEWS

8

9

A GHOST IN COURT - BEVERLEY CONRAD

BEVERLEY CONRAD News Editor

ERIE COUNTY ELECTION : COUNTY EXECUTIVE

13

LARRY FRITZ Feature Editor

FOOD CO-OPS ARE FOR PEOPLE - LARRY FRITZ

15

PHOTO ESSAY - ERIC CHAFFEE

CAROL EDMONDSON Arts Editor

16

KARL HESS

18

NANCY DICK Graphics Editor

20 JEAN REDPATH - MARCY TELLES

HEDDA GORDON Copy & Proofs

21

THE REAL WORLD

STAFF: Steven Baskin, Michael Brookman, Frank Castillo, Eric Chaffee, Barry Cohen, Joy Cummings, Bob Frank, Helene Heit, George Howell, Wendy Hughes, Leslie Johnson, Richard Manning, JoAnn Pizzo, John Ryan , Michael Sajecki, Christopher Sajecki, Thomas Fontana, Charles Fontana, Gretchen Siebert, Gloria Simon, Mary Sullivan, Steven Waldman, Ann Schillen - ger, James Pastrick, Bill Seward, Nancy Doherty. STRAIT magazine is published fortnightly by the students of the New York State University College at Buffalo, 1300 Elmwood Avenue, Buffalo, N ew York, 14222. Office in the SUCB Student Union, room 401 ; telephone (716) 862-5326, 862-5327. Publishing and operating funds allocated through the Publications Board at SUCB under the auspices of the United Students' Government, SUCB, and through aduertising income. STRAIT is distributed free to all members of the SUCB community and to students at other selected campuses on the Niagara Frontier. Price per copy for all others: 35 cents ; $4.50 year (14 issues). For aduertising rates, contact the Business Manager at 862-5326. Circulation : 7,000. Unsolicited manuscripts will be considered for publication by the respectiue editors, but STRAIT will not be responsible for their return. Persons not associated with SUCB will not be discriminated against in terms of manuscript or f/Mphic publication. Letters to the editor must be de&ignated as such and must be received by this magazine five full days prior to the issuance of each magazine. Letters and short articles for the Interchange will be printed verbatim and uncensored, and must be received one week prior to the issuance of each magazine. Editorial policy is determined by the Editorial Board. STRAIT is temporarily seruiced by Alternate Features Service (AFS) and is a subscriber to College Press Seruice (CPS), Denver, Colorado. Copyright 1971 ; all rights reserved: no portion of this magazine, its verbal or pictora/ content may be reprinted in any manner without the express consent of the Editor-in-Chief. Printed in the United States of America by Record Press.

22 POLITICS AND POETICS - LYLE GLAZIER

29 CIRCUM LOCUM t-----------W' In This Issue

This has been an interesting issue for us to put together. We had been planning for a long time to give broad coverage to the Erie County Executive campaign so that you would have an opportunity to see both candidates side by side with their platforms tucked neatly below them - easily readable and highly informative. As we got nearer and nearer to our deadline, we found ourselves with less and less to work with. What you will find on the inside is a compilation of definite proposals and statements of the candidates and coulmns written by individual campaigners on why they are voting for their respective candidate. It is our hope that this information will help you make your decision for what is possibly your first opportunity at the polls. Even excluding the Erie County Elections, this is a political issue. And that we didn't plan. Columnists Joseph H. Bunzel and George Howell both came forth with interesting insights on Americanism. Other articles lighten the load somewhat and provide for what we think is overall good reading. Photo Credits: Cover by Wendy Hughes; Nancy Dick, pages 22, 24, 31; Barry Cohen, pages 5, 7, 20; Eric Chaffee, page 18 and photo essay; Record pages 3 and 13 B; Sawyer Press, page 12B; Sedita Headquartes, page 13A.

Editorial At long last, federal enfranchisement for eighteen-year-olds is a reality. The long years of pro- test, frustrating letter-writing and debate of the inequity of the "old enough to kill-- too young to vote" status have paid off and politicians must now not only contend with the vocal dictates of this age bracket but also with the directives of their voting potential. · Political scientists, journalists and candidates must concern themselves with the effect of 25 mil- lion new voters turning up at election centers to pull levers that will fill seats or effect legislation. But this change is hardly enough. It is an excel- lent expansion of the old method, but the fault of the effect it will have lies in the fact that it is merely an expansion of the old method. This is what politicians, political scientists and others should be concerned with. Despite how many people legally eligible to vote, who they are or what they are voting for (or against), there are inequities within the electoral procedure that do not allow the voters to truly voice their favor. And there are many valid resorts for which there are currently no provisions. An example: A voter, newly-enfranchised or not, is very likely to walk into a voting booth hav- ing no particular liking for any of the candidates of the given office. He may also dislike them both very much; he may not know them sufficiently. And this presents a serious problem for the voter, Mr. Citizen. Despite how well-informed he is, despite what calibre of citizenship he displays, dispite any affiliation with a recognized party - he is, in the eyes of the voting booth, still responsible to vote for one of the candidates. Should he choose to vote for one on the basis of the "lesser. than two evils" · 3

theory, he is still submitting himself to the dictates of those already in power and ultimately to the other "evil" of whom he is indirectly voting in favor. If he chooses not to vote for any of them he is, in effect, dienfranchising himself- sornething that thousands do at every election. If our well-informed and good Mr . Citizen wishes to register a write-in ballot, he may also do this, although few people are ever encouraged suf- ficiently or feel strongly enough to do so. In fact, if Mr. Citizen wishes to do so, he can vote for any of the 200-odd million ·people with whom he shares citizenship.Of course it would do him little good, since the possibility of there being a plurality for any one of these 200-odd million people is an ex- treemly absurd possibility - which is reasoning behind our revered "two-party system." But, equal- ly absurd is voting for the "lesser of two evils" or not voting at all. An alternative to all these possible forms of voting-booth protest is what has often been referred . to (but rarely seriously) as a "positive negative vote." The term means that Mr. Citizen can go to the booth and vote. But he can vote for "none of the above" or he can, by pulling a lever, say "these candidates are unacceptable to me, please reconsider your candidates and let's have another election." It SOllll& drastic, absurd and many other things, but it is a valid means of registering an attitude. And it is a positive form of doing so. There is no chance of being personally involved in electing someone who was a lesser evil. Such an option, when used effectively by the populace, might even be graphic enough evidence in opposition to our current "two-party system" which is the primary cause of dissatisfaction in the first place.

Letters to the Editor

To the Editor : In the October 13-26 issue of Strait , there is an article by William J . Brown, entitled "Interchange " in which Brown misquotes the words of Stephen Stills. They should read "and if we can't do it with smiles on our faces, and if we can't do it with love in our hearts, then we ain't got no right to do it at all ." If you are going to quote someone, as you said, at least quote it right. If you are going to change at around for your own purposes, then do not use quotation marks. You say "Give people the truth!" and then you turn around and take something out of context. Laird is not the only one with a forked tongue. Both iades seem to have them. A. Kopecky A. Burnes "Interchange" is a department under the editorial section of STRAIT in which we invite our readers to respond in a constructive or augmentative manner to articles or issues we have presented in other parts of the magazine. Our intent is for these to be of a different nature than "Letters to the Editor" which are generally of a correctional nature. Mr. Brown's article was entered in "Interchange" and therefore printed verbatim as it was received from him.

This letter has two concerns. First, may I congratulate the staff of STRAIT on its second issue. Good luck and best wishes for the future of the mag- azine. Second, as a member of the English Department, I should like to respond to two points made by Michael Flanigan in the interview with him printed in the last issue. Mr. Flanigan says that because of his interest in getting faculty members "to read papers," he " talked to them about it and they're starting to do it." Assuming he is speaking of members of the English Department, I think it should be known that the practice of faculty reading scholarly papers before their colleagues for their criticism has been in existence in the Department for over four years--some time before Mr . Flanigan arrived at SUCB. Mr. Flanigan then went on to criticize this practice on the grounds that it does not include students, and that the faculty is "supposed to ,work with the students." There is no distortion in this criticism, as there is in the first remark, only denigra- 4

tion of a practice that has stimulated some of the finest teachers in universities across the country. What faculty mem- bers do, once a month, in the evenings, to keep alive their interest in and their con- tribution to their chosen life's work hard- ly seems an appropriate target for such criticism. If Mr. Flanigan's concern in making this criticism is that he sees a lack of faculty interest in faculty-student com- munication, I call attention to the fact that during the Fall semester of 1970 there was a weekly evening meeting of faculty and students of the Department, with faculty outnumbering students as much as 3 to 1. Mr.Flanigan can point legitimately to a number of genuine contributions he has made to the college. Distortion and divi- A sive denigration, even for a good cause, - are totally unnecessary. J.E. FORD Assistant Prof.--English

Russell Oswald's throat slashing account and the death toll of 36 men. I felt remote and isolated from the whole situa- tion because it had taken place so near my family and friends, and I was a couple of hundred miles away from everything. I also felt indignant because so much force had been used. Having been gassed myself here at good ole State two years ago, I could imagine the horror and panic the prisoners felt as they were being gassed and shot, knowing they had no place to hide anymore. I felt sick over the whole incident and wanted to make some comment on it, write a poem or essay about it, but somehow, I couldn't make any statement that didn't sound didatic, sloganish, and forced. Later on, when I heard about the discrepencies between Oswald and the State Coroner's findings, I felt even more indignant...but what could I do? Now, as though the news wasn't distressing e- nough, I found a strong anti-American feeling in quite a few of the films that made me feel embarras- sed_about being from the United States. The real hassle was that this feeling was justified. For in- stance, in a film called Playtime, a group of one hundred American tourists totally destroy a Parisian restaurant in their own, down-homey way. The di- alogues for the tourists were written by Art Buchwald; at one point, a woman points her finger at small cars parked on the street and says, "Look at those little cars. Aren't they cute!' In another film showing Nixon's political career, called Milhouse, we watch what has to be the most em- barassing footage of any politician's public life strung together in a way that shows RMN's Machievellian soul. We watch Nixon in hot pursuit of offices, suddenly discovering that his opponents are all communists; we see Nixon find secret micro- film stashed in a pumpkin which incriminates Alger Hiss; we watch Nixon blunder from one embarass- ment to another, making his immortal "Checkers" speech, in which he fails to answer any questions about his financial backing while delivering an ab- surd rap about baby Tricia's dog, Checkers. On the same program was a film called The Murder of Fred Hampton, a Black Panther organizer shot by Chicago police officers. The film projected Hampton as a man willing to die for his revolution- ary beliefs, a man who saw the power of violence as a real means of change, a man who spent all of his time organizing medical clinics, food programs, and community services for his people. The blatant dis- crepencies in Police Commissioner Hanrahan's report on Hampton's death sounded very much like the same things Russell Oswald was saying in Albany. I don't think any American could have sat through this program and not felt bitter about what is hap- pening in his country, feeling that he could do nothing to stop it. (cont'd on page 19)

c:::::J

• GEORGE HOWELL FIELD NOTES POLITICS Way back in September while everyone else was resigning himself to another semester's class struggle , I got on a Gray Coach Line bus and went to Stratford, Ontario, for the 7th Annual International Film Festival. As some people may already know, I'm very involved with creative writing, as well as other creative areas, and I hoped to pick up some new ideas in form and content from these flicks that I could use in my own field. However, the insights I had in Stratford were political and have been plaguing me ever since. The week of the Film Festival ·also saw the brutal re-taking of Attica prison. The rebellion start- ed Thursday, the day before I left for Stratford. I was rather stunned by the news reports of the rebel- lion because even though the prison is not more than 20 miles from where my family lives, and 30 miles from Buffalo, I had forgotten it existed. I knew kids from Attica I met at scout camps who joked about stealing the shirts prisoners threw on fences while they worked outside, but this was the only impression I had of the "correctional facility." In Stratford, I heard occassional bits and pieces of Attica reportage over the radio while eating din- ner or having coffee in a Chinese restaurant. In fact, I heard a rather inaccurate account of the prison re-capture while eating dinner Monday evening. I was stunned when I heard that six people had been killed, but the next day I was even more shocked when a kid I had just met from Detroit showed me a copy of the Toronto Daily Star, which carried 5

THE OWL'S CORNER

JOSEPH H . BUNZEL

capable of handling problems that exist in the streets of our communities" and another one, that "women jurists would give breadth and depth to the bench . . . on which a woman's point of view is not reflected." As if the Supreme court of a State, or any Court for that matter, would be a panel in which all elements of the population must be repre- sented . One judge for labor , and one for manage- ment, one for Catholics and one for Protestants, one for Jews and another for the unbeliever (we hope) , one for the East and one for the West, one for the city and one for the suburb , one for the whites and one for the blacks, one for the rich and one for the poor - or to carry the fantasy to its logical conclusion, perhaps proportionate quotas; seven city and two suburban judges, or nine white and one black, and so on ad aburdum. How do such postulates jibe with the proud boast : one Law for all and no one above and no one below the Law? Can there be respect for and in fact devotion to Law? The best that can be expected is grudging admission that some kind of order is better than e none and heed should be paid to the laws; that some accomrrodation. must be found, and that as many laws as necessary must be passed and in s0me way interpreted and applied. Moreover, the major concern at present, surely not without reason, see!T1$ to center on criminal laws and their enforcement; they are being mul- tiplied instead of reduced. However, they should be a small part of our legal heritage . For we are daily surrounded by a web of legal relationships, con- tracts, institutions and customs which exercise every minute the greatest influence upon all our lives : birth, marriage, adoption, death, inheritance must be legally concluded in addition to all our contrac- tural obligations: economic, medical, political and even theological, to name a few. Nor must we ever forget that a person can just as surely be killed by the laws and their unreason- able or clumsy interpretation or application than by the scalpel of the physician or the bullet of an enemy's gun. Nevertheless, thinking of November 2 and Nov- ember 6, it remains true what was said at the time of. the first demonstrations: that it will be worth- while to work with and within the existing legal A structure just because Law is fixated power, a W' power that can be obtained sometimes simply by waiting, sometimes depending on sheer numbers . For the eventual triumph is not in ephemeral vic- tory but in the eternal struggle for what is right.

LAW, THE STATE & WE

Our satisfaction with the State in which we live depends largely on our definition of its Law. If it is recognized that Law is fixated power , the relation- ship takes on a special meaning. Throughout this column "Law" shall be capitalized when it refers to the sum total of norms and also to the web of social relationships ; however as customarily spelled it will indicate an individual piece of legislation . Unfortunately , American usage does not have the equivalent to German, Italian, Spanish , Russian, distinguishing be- tween e.g. droit (the general) Joi the special norm ; Recht - Gesetz a.s.o. although this semantic discern- ment is of great importance as symptom and for a rationalization of the "feeling" for Law. The idea of the State , moreover, is also made ambiguous in American parlance by the fact that there are 51 entities which claim sovereignity and with it the citizen's loyalty, an almost mythical quality that passes certain laws but prevents the ex- istence and in fact the codification of an American Law. With these ambivalances deeply embedded in our souls, it is not astonishing that our feelings to- ward government, all government, are strangely scintillating and undergo almost daily new changes. Thus, we find on the one side an almost touching trust which, if disturbed, turns into furious con- tempt; on the other hand, a hopeful distrust which, when justified, serves greedy self-interest . Parallel to this split-up of loyalties goes the system of checks and balances and an overlapping tri-partite division of power, so that the individual becomes helpless without reliance on some kind of supernatural force which drives him to rackets or politics or both. Not only three legislatures - federal, state and local - but also three judiciaries make the American system a nightmare of legal insecurity. Moreover, whereas the Federal Supreme Court judges are ap- . pointed by the President, but confirmed by the Senate, the State Supreme Court Justices run for election; they know that they have to serve the in- terests of their electorate as surely as do administra- tors or enforcers of the laws. Recently, a candidate was quoted as saying: that the Supreme Court Jus- tice [of the State] "must be conversant with, and 6

healthy revisions that we can make to our way of thinking. One of the most destructive limits we face is the fear of incorporating new perspectives into our own outlook . The difference is that if we do not allow ourselves constructive speculative leaps, we are vulnerable to destruction at the hands of our own rigidity. The previous discussion has involved the pro- blem of limits which are internal, but there remain many limitations which become a problem to us through conditioning. The emotions and reasoning ability which we become accustomed to present their own disadvantages and shortcomings. They represent a lack of insight concerning the inter- change of things limited and things unlimited. As a result, each becomes the other in the coincidence of opposites for nothing can be a part of one extreme without coinciding with the other extreme. If man is ever to resolve his dilemma of limits, then he must at least realize his position in relation to everything around him. If we reject the possibil- ity of infinite alternatives to our own life style, then we have succeeded in placing the biggest restriction imaginable upon oursleves. The limits we face rep- resent an uncontrollable drive to refine our at- titudes regardless of the fact that the end result will represent imperfection to some degree . But as Bertrand Russell explains - there are no answers. In effect he is right because our basic i.rq)erfections need themselves to be refined before our thoughts can become purified. If we spend our time transfix- ed upon reaching a goal - an answer, then we limit to some degree, the facility with whic.h to examine the complexities which lead to that theoretical end. With goal-orientation as an obsession we allow our- selves the luxury of leaving behind the varied possibilities in order to reach an unaltered conclu- sion that will be fool proof. We cannot afford to overlook the innumerable factors which might upset the good we are determined to reach, for that goal then becomes representative of fancy rather than validity. In regard to confidence in our own being, we must come to think of ourselves as but a speck of infinity - but at the same time, an important, all- inclusive particle. If Bruno is right when he says that the center of our universe is underneath our own feet, then we truly must be the summit of our existence. For man, life begins and ends with himself as a focal point, and only after this reali- zation is reached can he traverse the boundaries of hesitation to see the joy of fulfillment.

• JAN NUZZO MIND'S EYE

INSIDE OURSELVES : HUMAN LIMITS Before we , as human beings, are tempted to make rash assumptions as to our potential for ad- vancement , it seems that we had better come to the realization that, insofar as our human condition is concerned, we suffer from many self-irtlposed limits which must be closely examined. The paradox which reveals itself so often is that man is equally willing to proclaim his freedom of choice and inde- endence from fate while he, at the same time , hesitates to tread upon unknown waters for fear of being overcome. The point to be made here is that we are not limited by what we are, we are limited by what we are not. The first problem arises when we attempt to be something which denies our organismic needs and inclinations. When we are not satisfied with our- selves as we are, we often adopt deliberately contrived roles to ,relieve our discontent. This con- stitutes one of man's most familiar limits which he places upon himself. For if we are ·not willing to struggle with our own basic characteristics, then we will never be able to operate effectively within the characteristics of a foreign , fantasized "other self. " So from the very beginning, then, we have placed limits upon our potential by rejecting ourselves. Our inability to make a strong committment to our- selves, using our own intrinsic faculties, limits our ability to know and develop the one individual whom we know the best. To deny ourselves the superfluities of life is largely inconsequential, but to deny our internal inclinations is a mistake which begins in masochism and ends in fatality . At the same time that we must avoid the - ypocrisy of being that which we are not, we should not be afraid to expand on what we are. This is not to say that we must change our basic being, it only suggests that we must remain open to 7

NEWS

DISTAFF LAWYERS SUFFER "QUITE A PUT-DOWN" Sylvia Roberts, chairwoman of the Committee on Rights for Women, of the American Bar Association, claims that a statement attributed to President Nixon that there are no women qualified enough to serve on the Supreme Court is absolutely incorrect and unfair . "There are plenty of women qualified and available," Roberts said . "It's not possible to dismiss all the women in the legal profession," she stated, and considered the remarks attributed to Nixon, "quite a put down." Roberts is concerned about the notions planted in the heads of men in the legal profession that a female judge, justice or attorney cannot, somehow, be as distinguished as a male judge, justice or attorney . In a letter submitted to President Nixon the ACLU urged the appointment of women to the U.S. Supreme Court and the lower federal judiciary. ACLU Executive Director Aryeh Neier reported to the President, "We condemn the historic exclusion of women from the highest court in our land and urge the President , in filling present vacancies on the Court, to focus his search upon women in the legal profession who have a strong understanding and commitment to the Bill of Rights." GREEN LIGHT MIGHT TURN ON TO CANADIAN GRASS A green-light recommendation on legalizing the possession of grass in Canada is the expected result of a 22-month study of drugs by a special Canadian drug commission. The five member panel has been studying the impact of all drugs from alcohol to heroin, and in a preliminary report last year urged government officials ·not to impose jail sentences for the possession of any drug. Rather, it suggested that slight monetary fines be imposed as a form of punishment for "possession" convictions. James Moore, executive secretary of the Commission, has not yet stated that the specualated recomme- ndation would be proposed, but said that the final report , not expected to exceed 1000 pages-"will set off a small furor up here." The five commissioners-including a lawyer, a doctor, a social worker, a criminologist, a psychiatrist and a sociologist-visited 22 Canadian university campuses and held hearings in 27 cities during the two-year research. Said Moore: "We didn't have a single politician on our panel." ADMINISTRATION GEARS YEAR FOR ACTION President Nixon has developed a number of innovative programs related to the young people-draft reform, enactment of the 18-year-old vote, a new drug program for military personnel, the new ACTION agency, a proposed _expansion of student aid and loans, and the summer job program. The "University_Year for ACTION", the government's latest, enables students to do volunteer work in nearby communities using book-knowledge to gain practical experience in their fields of study. Full academic credit up to 30 hours will be awarded for a full years volunteer service. Joseph H. Blatchford, director of ACTION, stated in a news letter oriACTION,that while solutions to the problems of urban America, the environment, and the perpetual cycle of poverty are being sought, more must be done to involve the young in finding the solutions. THIEU VICTORY VIEWED WITH SULLEN RESIGNATION Vietnamese say the only difference between Thieu's "election" victory with 91.5 per cent of the vote and similar victories during Ngo Dinh Diem's presidency is that with Diem, at least token opposition can- didates appeard on the ballot. A study of election statistics and voting analyses by American and Vietnamese officials on the 3 October vote has swamped the 87.7 per cent turnout and "landside victory" of Thieu with doubt. Election irregularities and inflated turn-out figures appeared to be rampant. Cases of multiple ballots, aQ.d voting supervision were reported, along with evidence indicating that the number of voters going to the polls was puffed up. In Danang 35 per cent of the population was to have voted by 11 :00 a.m. - the time demonstrators throughout the city were clashing with police. Observers agree that the streets were virtuu:lly empty of voters at this time. A strong feeling among many Vietnamese is that Thieu presently has control over the means of force in the country because of U.S. support-both financial and military. One Vietnamese government official summed up the sentiment saying:"This government without the support of the Americans is a big zero."

In the past month the American Civil Liberties Union has challenged both the United States government and the administrations of two American universities with facts concerning activities and policies they believe to be in direct violation of the spirit of the First Amendment. - On 27 September a report documenting censorship of the press during the Nixon Administration was released. Along the same line, in a brief filed with the U.S. Supreme Court on 6 October, the ACLU and its Northern and Southern California affiliates supported the right of journalists to withhold information revealed to them by confidential sources. Two cases involving students' rights within the college community were brought to the Supreme Court by the ACLU Foundation on 29 September. In each instance the Supreme Court was asked to consider in their review - the First Amendment. The First Amendment A Ghost In Court

•BEVERLEY CONRAD

tioning of State Department workers on leaks of "stories harmful to the national interest ." The interrogation has sub- sequently discouraged State officials from talking to the press at all. The government's subtler, unpub- licized actions against the press . and the press 's reactions • are recorded in the ACLU Report in the words of press and government representatives, as told to Powledge : -Louis Kraar of Time-Life News Service told Powledge he has gotten a runaround by military and other govern- ment officials in the Far East . He has been denied information and access to transportation. -Murray Seeger, economic specialist for The Los Angeles Times, said that the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics stopped briefing the press last spring after a Bureau analyst admitted that a reported drop in the unemployment rate was sta- tistically insignificant. -Fred Graham of The New York Times said his calls to two Department of Justice divisions, Civil Rights and Internal Security, "are routinely intercepted and re-routed back to the Justice Department public information office." Graham now uses pseudonyms to get past department secretaries. -Richard Salant, president of CBS News, reported that John D. Erlichman, assistant to President Richard M. Nixon for domestic affairs, in the midst of a casual conversation "lit into Dan Rather (CBS White House correspondent] and called him a hatchet man," implying that Rather should be removed. Salant also reported a "boycott" of the press by Defense Secretary Melvin Laird. -Jack Nelson of The Los Angeles Times, who has repeatedly revealed data embarrassing to the FBI, said that he has been smeared by FBI Assistant Director Thomas Bishop as "a man who drinks too

much." -Ned Schnurman , city editor of WCBS-TV, said that his reporters are con- tinually turned away from meetings that they want to cover. As for the press's response to the government's pressure, John Wicklein, formerly of WCBS-TV r.ews, reported that CBS executives generated "a tremendous fear of what the administra- tion could do to that broadcasting station in terms of harassing it ... They said, in effect, to newsmen: 'Don't do anything that could get us a complaint'." Ac- cording to Wicklein, the network itself grilled the WCBS news staff after one controversial story on an abortion clinic. Said Salant: "We have more lawyers than we have reporters." Powledge points out that Federal Communications Commissioner Nicholas Johnson once noted that at an anti-war march in Washington of more than 500,000 persons a few days after Agnew's . Des Moines speech, "everyone was there, it seemed, except the President and the network newsmen." Powledge also writes of cases of police infiltration of the press - and the chilling effect on the press because infiltration is generally suspected. He documents in- stances of "utter harassment" of the underground and campus press, not only surveillance •b.:lt also denials of access to information, arrests, and physical as- saults. Powledge comments: "It is not difficult fcir an observer who possesses a healthy amount of paranoia to conclude that the authorities would treat the straight press in the same crude ways, if they thought they could get away with it. And increasingly - aided by vice- presidential speeches, subpoenas from the Justice Department, notices from the FCC, citations from Congressmen, censor- ship by the courts; in short, what a-

CHILLING OF THE PRESS The ACLU Report documenting censorship of the press, was prepared by journalist Fred Powledge. It is the first in a planned series of reports extracted largely from private interviews with more than forty -five representatives of the press and government. Powledge concluded that "attacks on the press by the officers of government ave become so widespread and all- pervasive that they constitute a massive federal-level attempt to subvert the letter and the spirit of the First Amend· ment .. ." There has also been "a subtle ten- dency • almost impossible to document or measure - of the press itself to pull back; to consider the controversiality of its actions before it takes them, and then, in some cases, not to take those actions - to engage in self-censorship." The result, according to the ACLU Report, has been increased coverage of middle America, which is laudable, but decreased coverage of ghetto America, which is lamentable. Press outlets try to play it safe to avoid being singled out for criticism. "In commercial television, the chill has become as ordinary as a station break." The report traces the government 's campaign to "chill the press" to Vice- President Spiro Agnew's November, 1969 Des Moines speech, which attacked the television networks and noted that they are a "government sanctioned and licensed monopoly" - a lightly veiled re- minder that those licenses could be revoked. Aweek later in Montgomery the Vice-President blasted the print media in a similiar speech. Powledge recounts the series of widely-publicized government threats, subpoenas and injunctions that have been . issued, ending with the FBI's recent ques-

mounts to a widespread demonstration of the government's total contempt for the press and the First Amendment - the authorities are corning to the conclusion that they earl get away with it." SILENT PROTECTION Arguing as friends of the court the ACLU filed a brief with the Supreme Court on 6 October, supporting the right of Earl Caldwell and other journalists to withhold information revealed to them by confidential sources. The ACLU along with its Northern and Southern California affiliates have built their argument on four propositions- • two legal and two factual . The primary legal proposition, as stated by the ACLU, is that " the core purpose of the First Amendment's guarantee of a free press is to insure that the American public will be fully informed about questions of general or public interest." The ACLU further states that : "The corollary proposition is that the news and information gathering functions of the press must be afforded constitu- tional protection in order to make it pos- sible to effectuate the primary First Amendment purpose. "The initial factual assertion is that journalists generally and substantially rely on confidential information provided to them by government officials, private citizens, or even those involved in crim- inal activities. Such information either constitutes news or is used as a basis for analyzing the events of the day.'' The ACLU concludes by stating that an indiscriminate and compelled dis- closure of such information to grand juries or other government agencies would inhibit the flow of information in two respects : 1) The sources of infor- mation will be reluctant to provide it if, they fear that their identities or infor- mation will be disclosed and 2) journalists themselves may well be deterred from engaging in investigative reporting if they know that subsequently they can be sub- poenaed and forced to disclose all the information they have acquired. The brief was prepared by Attorneys Melvin L. Wulf and Joel M. Gora for the national ACLU; Paul N. Halvonik and Charles C. Marson for the ACLU of Northern California; and A.L. Wirin, Fred Okrand, and Laurence R. Sperber for the ACLU of Southern California. The authors of the brief feel that if the argument is rejected two results will follow: "Either the flow of information to the public on vital issues will be im- paired or the jails will be filled with reporters. There are some who would relish either consequence - the men who wrote the First Amendment intended neither."

"We the People of the United States... "

demonstrations and requiring any un- authorized assembly of students to dis- band upon demand of any administrative A or student government official. • The Court said that the definition of demonstration was unconstitu- tionally vague, the ban on indoor demon- strations was unconstitutionally broad, and the registration rule unconstitu- tionally barred spontaneous dissent. The U.S . Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit considered only the constitutionality of the ban on indoor demonstrations, finding that the ban stands as a "valid and reasonable exercise of the authority of the college". It re- versed the District Court's decision stating that the ban does not represent an unreasonable limitation upon the First Amendment rights. The ACLU Foundation's petition to the Supreme Court points out that while the Court broadly upheld the First Amendment rights of high school stu- dents in Tinker v. Des Moines Indepen- dent Community School District, in 1969, where the Court r_uled that a high school student could wear a black arm- band during moritorium activities. It has not, however , ruled on the First Amendment rights of College students since the 1934 case of Hamilton v. Board of Regents of the University of California. - The petition, prepared by ACLU Foundation Legal Director Melvin L. Wulf, Staff Counsel Joel M. Gora and Volunteer Attorney John C. Lowe, fur- ther argues:

SLEEPING RIGHTS !'{loving into the college communities, the ACLU on 29 September asked the Supreme Court to review two cases: One involves demonstrations inside campus buildings; the other involves the official recognition of student political organiza- tions by the college administration. The demonstration case arose at Madison College, a state-run institution in Harrison, Va. On 23 April, 1970, about twenty-five students and faculty as- sembled in an open campus building stating their intention to maintain a peaceful overnight vigil to protest the dis- missal of some teachers. Dean James W. Fox asked them to leave because they were, he said, conducting an unregistered demonstration. Most of the demonstra- tors left. According to the Federal District Court's findings in the case, those who did not leave remained quiet and did not block passages. Two days later the students wanted to hold another vigil, this time Dean Fox stating that demonstrations inside campus buildings violated school regulations. That Sunday, a group tried to conduct another vigil and were ordered to leave the building. Those who refused were arrested by campus police. According to the ACLU's Foundation petition, the demonstrators were orderly, and in fact, swept up the area before leaving. The District Court praised the students' behavior and ruled unconstitu- tional the college regulations requiring forty~ight hours ·advance registration of demonstration, forbidding all indoor 10

The petition, prepared by attorneys Wulf and Gora and Volunteer Counsel Alvin Pudlin and Abraham S. Silver, asks that the Supreme Court require the university to find specific illegal activity against a local campus organization be- fore that organization be expelled. It con- cludes stating: "The bane of the First Amendment is the administrator who makes his decisions on the basis of broad and pat levels without considering whether any real or substantial danger is involved." Again citing the Supreme Court's Tinker decision, the petition reads, "In our system, undifferentiated fear or apprehension of disturbance is not enough to overcome the right to freedom of expression."o nationwide movement to motivate Con- gressmen, Legislators, President Nixon and most importantly, the American people to become aware of the United States' ceaseless, immoral involvement in Vietnam. On that day, the Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice will undertake a mass movement which will consist of a series of nationwide demonstrations. The larger urban areas throughout America will be the target centers for affecting the American people. New York City will be one of them. · No activity as yet, is planned in Buffalo on 6 November. The reas:>ns for this, as explained by the Reverend Ken Sherman , are that the Buffalo Coalition for Peace and Justice has already been in- volved, to the point of near exhaustion, in the recent Agnew visit to Western New York, and more seriously, the Attica tragedy. The Buffalo Coalition for Peace and Justice worked extensively in the Albany demonstrations on Attica. To say that Buffalo will not be an urban target is not to say that people from Buffalo and Western New York will not be involved. Other groups involved in the action to awaken America to the United States' acts of genocide in Southeast Asia include the Buffalo Peace Council and the Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam. Also involved in the nationwide move- ment will be members and supporters of the Harrisburg Defense Committee, and the group supporting the release (or defense) of the Berrigan Brothers. Reverend Sherman stated that in- dividual regions have been established within the Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice. These regions, which were es- tablished to break the nation down into a number of groups of people, will send a

In September, 1969, a group of stu- dents at Central Connecticut State Col- lege asked that their SDS group be officially recognized by the college. This would have entitled them to full use of the college's bulletin boards and news- paper for meeting notices, and use of campus facilities to hold meetings. President of the university, F. Don James rejected the advice of a student-faculty committee and denied recognition. The students began a lawsuit regarding the denial of recognition and lost in the federal district and appellate courts. The argument of the ACLU Foundation is that college officials may

"Not only are college students more mature, but by virtue of the Twenty-sixth Amendment almost every college student is now fully .enfranchised and entitled to participate in the political process....Col- ,Alege students are entitled to the identical \9F°irst Amendment protections as they or any other citizen would have in the com- munity at large . "The method of expression con- templated and attempted here involved no intrusion on the rights of others, no inconvenience to competing academic needs, and no interference with classwork or administrative activities.''

The second college case appealed by interfere with the exercise of First the ACLU on 29 September, concerned Amendment rights only upon showing the right of a group of students calling that "a clear and present danger of sub- themselves Students for a Democratic stantive evil" occurs. This placed the Society to be officially recognized on burden of proof not on the students, but PCJP GOAL: _ca_m..;p;..u_s_._____________ o_n_t_he_ad_m_1_·n_is_tr_a_ti_o_n. _______ ...,_TOTAL NATIONAL INVOLV EM ENT Amnesty Urged for War Resisters •JOANN PIZZO •JIM PASTRICK November 6 marks the beginning of a

In a statement released in New York and Washington, on 15 Octo- ber, a group of sixteen lawyers, writers, and academicians proposed that "there be no legal recriminations among ourselves for the fighting and refusing to fight this war." They pleaded, "Let go those who 1972, stated on 23 September that if refused to fight a war that we as a nation elected he would grant amnesty to men have come to detest and to believe wrong- imprisoned or ex-patriated for resisting y fought . Let go those who ran afoul of the draft and the war. military law during a war which many The statement says that more than think is itself illegal." 70,000 young Americans are in exile Amnesty for all offenses related to the abroad to avoid the draft, as many as War in Vietnam was urged by Kenneth B. 100,000 in Canada, who have quit the Clark, president of the American Psycho- military or refused the draft and that logical Association; Robert Coles, the perhaps 12,000 or more men have been Harvard psychiatrist; Erick Erickson, the subjected to military courts for offenses renowned psychoanalyst and writar; committed while in the service. Benjamin Mays,president of the Atlanta, "These men are all young, many of Georgia Board of Education and former them still in their teens; most have proba- president of Morehouse College; Joseph bly never voted in a federal election. Rauh,Jr., labor and civil rights lawyer; Their lives have been deeply affected b'y a Charles Silberman,author of major studies war which was not of their making, one in race relations and education; and which--we feel sure--the overwhelming Andrew Young, former associate of the majority of this nation wishes we had late Dr. Martin Luther King,Jr., who is never begun and pray may quickly end. now chairman of the Atlanta,Georgia So deeply felt is the revulsion against this Human Relations . Commission. war, that the air is full of charges and The petition for amnesty was ad- countercharges as to who was to blame dressed to Congress, the executive for it. While men of our generation dis- branch, various presidential aspirants, the pute blame, the burden of our mistakes public at large, and "especially to the will be their life-long inheritance." young men whose lives have been The group of signers of the amnesty dominated by this war, in the confidence statement emphasized that they were not that they, wherever they are, are already constituting themselves into an organiza- concerned with the making of a better tion, nor were they seeking formal en- America." The petition states that the al- dorsement or financial support. Their in- ternative to amnesty "would be a class of tention in publicizing the statement, they political exiles haunting us for decade af- said, was to help stimulate a process of ter decade. If there is statesmanship left national discussion of the issue of ong us, we will move now to prevent amnesty in the hope that informed that grim prospect." debate could still result in new national Senator George McGovern, (D.-S.D.), purposes. who is seeking presidential nomination iQ 11

flow of concerned citizens to Washington, -----------------------------------. D.C. to meet with Congressmen and urge prompt action which would force the end of the Vietnam conflict. About 300 to 400 members of a certain region will go to Washington each day, and this is ex- pected to continue daily from Thanks- giving Day to Christmas. Following a meeting with their Congressmen, mem- bers will gather before the White House and perform acts of group Civil Dis- obedience. Representatives of the Buffalo Region are expected to go to Washington on Thursday, 18 November.

Reverend Sherman stressed that the Coalition's aim was not specifically directed toward students alone , but in- stead, toward the working classes of America. College and University students have carried the majority of sincere anti- war activities in this country for a large portion of time ; it is now felt that those in the working classes should be heard. When asked about prominant people, such as lawyers, Senators, and Represen- tatives involving themselves in the group movement, Reverend Sherman stated that people of this type would probably serve as a base for a total national involvement.

DRUGS

CAPSULE REPORT

Hanna-Barbra Production, creators of the cartoon series Yogi Bear and The Flintstones, last week released three pub- lic service television commercials de- signed to instill confidence in the "American enterprise system." The ads were produced at the request of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce which hopes to air them nationally as free public-service messages. Chamber Vice- President Arch N. Booth introduced the campaign "to get simple economic issues to the people, most of whom don't read (newspapers)." According to Booth, one film dealt with opportunities inherent in th competitive-enterprise system, a sec- ond defended the profit motive, and the third taught that the "consumer is boss." Hanna-Barera Productions was recently cited as being unacceptable by the National Qearing House for Drug Abuse Information newsletter, which rates drug abuse information available to the media for scientific accuracy. The company produced five 3-second anti- drug ads in which animated figures are jointed with lively music and distorted sound effects to illustrate effects and potential dangers of drug abuse. The reviewers commented : "Without stating direct facts about drugs, the spots tend to convey several stereotypes about drugs : All drugs are bad; drugs will con-

An outgrowth of Drugs, the new booklet put out by the medical and counseling staffs of Buffalo State College, a new Drug Committee has been formed in hopes of analyzing the campus drug problem, if any exists, and controlling the problem, if possible. The committee, headed by Dr. Sarantos J. Yeostros of the Student Health Office, has accepted volunteers from the student body to act as key forces in advising the committee on the situation. So far three sub-committees have been formed : a Survey Committee to analyze the extent and form of drug usage on the campus; a Course Developement Committee to work towards the establishment of a three-credit course on the non-medical use of drugs; and a Library Committee to investigate the possiblities of an on-campus drug research library.

'-'\.JVVV-V-VVVV\J\. ( ( ( (

sume the user; and all drugs lead to death." The marijuana spot implies that mari- juana use leads inevitably to other drugs. An animated cigarette takes a boy by the hand and leads the boy to a door that opens to strange objects which capture him. The reviewers concluded with an em- phatic understatement that "this general- ization cannot be supported." In one of the spot commercials, a smiling boy prepares to take a tablet. The tablet grows larger and devours him. [cps] 12

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