education and are engaged in the economic life of Israel. And they are, overwhelmingly, supporters of the divisive reform legislation. This sector is committed to certain convictions which it believes to be based in fact: that the court system is biased against religious practice and settlement expansion; that the Supreme Court, in particular, is dominated by left-wing, Ashkenazi judges who are openly hostile to religious Zionism; and that the evisceration of court jurisdiction (as proposed in the reform legislation), while vesting absolute power in the Knesset, will strengthen democracy in Israel. Absolute Power of The Majority What has so many Israelis apoplectic is the position of the coalition government that when a majority “wins” they rule with abso- lute power. Elections and legislative cham- bers are one critical element of democracy but by no means the beginning and end. Call them checks and balances or institu- tional constraints, but mature democracies have an upper chamber—like the Canadian Senate—or an independent judiciary, usually both. With the passage of these reforms Israel will have neither. The Supreme Court’s jurisdiction to review law will be subordinate to the will of the Knesset. All senior govern- ment justice advisers as well as judges at every level will become political appointees. Dissent will be a quaint concept of the past. Many Israelis believe that this is the most profound crisis the country has faced since 1948, because, unlike the early wars, we are not fighting external enemies deter- mined to destroy us, we are battling our inner demons. One very senior visiting Federation leader asked me, in a private chat: “Are people really thinking of leaving?” “Absolutely,” I answered, telling him that I personally know of several families with young children who have recently pulled up stakes and moved to Europe. They’ve just had enough. They will not send their children to risk their lives for an illiberal, religiously oriented state. What I did not ask him was: “Are people thinking of coming to live in Israel?” Because I know the answer. No. But that is precisely what Israel needs at this moment. A miraculous influx of liberal democratic Jews from the west; secular, traditional, religious. If the country is to continue to flourish economically and remain a liberal democracy, that is. It’s a matter of time. We are on the precipice. n
Israelis march with the Torah at a rally in support of the government’s plans to overhaul the judicial system, in Tel Aviv, April 22, 2023.
to entrenching a permanent economic burden on the state, is to ensure that these communities remain poor and dependent in every way on their religious and political leaders. Nowhere in the world do haredi Jews demand such privilege, never mind receive it. This culture of entitlement further- more flies in the face of the basic tenets of Judaism—that promote a balance between the holy and mundane, material and spirit- ual. There is no balance in haredi demands for living in the State of Israel. Religious Zionist Camp As with all groups, there are factions within, and the Religious Zionist camp is no excep- tion. In recent decades the Religious Zionist population has become more radical, with many adhering to a vision of Greater Israel which includes all territory of Judea and Sam- aria. Some of the more extreme supporters— including the party leaders Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir—are messianists who believe it is the Jewish birthright to control territory promised to the Jews by God. The vast majority of the 350,000 settlers living in the West Bank (not including an additional 150,000 residing in areas over the Green Line surrounding Jerusalem) are Reli- gious Zionist in political orientation. They also serve in the army, value a well-rounded higher
protect the state and its people—to risk their lives—they made that solemn commitment to a democratic country. They refuse to serve an autocracy or illiberal democracy. This part of the population—much larger than you may think—says that a new contract must be made with the state. They refuse to look away and just accept the blanket exemption from military and national service accorded the ultra-Orthodox haredi popula- tion. Not only is it deeply unfair and wrong, it is simply not sustainable, economically or from a standpoint of social cohesion. Haredim – The Wild Card At the moment, the haredi parties sup- port the coalition government, but there is nothing right wing about their policies. They support this government only because Netanyahu promised them the world: blanket IDF exemptions to be enshrined in law; a massive increase in kollel stipends for men with families studying full time rather than working; and full state support for haredi-run schools without the requirement that they teach core subjects, like English, math- ematics or science. This ensures that haredi men will continue, for generations to come, to lack any skills that are valued in the workplace. What this arrangement does, in addition
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