Haredi and other coalition leaders—in- cluding Prime Minister Benajmin Netanya- hu—lashed out, smearing the protesters as traitors and resisters. The impact of those attacks was lethal. Among the ranks of the protesters were the vast majority of corporate CEOs, heads of banks and key financial institutions, tech executives, academics, current and former heads of the Bank of Israel, former IDF chiefs of staff and heads of Shin Bet and Mossad, and, most telling, reservists from top IDF combat and intelligence units and the air force. These are not exactly loopy, revolutionary types. Some haredim went so far as to refer to the protesting Israelis as “shirkers”.
of service for reservists will rise to 46 from the current 40. After 90 days of reserve duty in hell, when almost immediately upon discharge, many men received fresh call-up notices to report for duty in the north in late March and April, this news was just too much. Meanwhile, the haredim continue to demand their exemption, saying that their piety is what saves the country, not weapons and warriors. This epic battle will come to a head in April, when every year since 1948, the Knesset has extended the haredi exemption. I expect that this year will break the cycle. If not, the “contract” will be torn up, and that portends a downward spiral in so many ways.
community. And so, he agreed to finance the few hundred yeshiva students prefer- ring a life of religious devotion. In return, a potential haredi revolt was averted. As Ben Gurion stated then and in subse- quent years, he was doing the impossible and creating a state after a 2,000-year hiatus. Others, he felt, could deal with the details. Among the issues which so many opposed during the protests in Israel last year was an insistence by haredi political parties that their exemption from military service be enshrined in a Basic Law. These Basic Laws—meant originally to form the basis of a proper con- stitution—have become the next best thing. They articulate broad principles regarding the manner in which laws may be passed and
An Israeli protester lifts her T-shirt next to Ultra-Orthodox Jewish men outside an army recruiting office in March 5, 2024, during a demonstration against their army exemption
Israelis are not unified. We are gutted, shattered and spent. Ask yourself. If you lived in Israel would you serve? Would you send your sons and daughters to serve? Many Israelis are reluc- tantly beginning to say they refuse to bear this burden any longer unless the haredim also serve. These Israelis—disparaged as resisters— are the salt of the earth. They are depleted, deeply mistrustful and feel betrayed. And they will no longer submit to the terms of the old contract. All citizens must step up to do their part. Only then, perhaps, can we begin to speak of unity. n
And then, Oct. 7 happened. Not only do haredim, aside from a very small number, refuse to serve militarily, they continue to demand increasing financial support from the state. Throughout the post- Oct. 7 period, when so many reservists have died, been maimed and suffered all manner of grave injuries, the haredim have carried on with their normal lives. But this war has changed everything. Israel has a shortage of army personnel; conscripts and reservists. The IDF an- nounced in February that all Israeli men will serve longer compulsory terms. Reserve duty will be doubled annually, and the age
appropriate substantive parameters. For many Israelis, demanding a Basic Law to legitimize the haredi refusal to serve was a step too far. In exasperation, many participants in the protest movement said that if the nature of the state was to be modified to the degree that it would no longer be democratic, then they may not serve when called. May not. To even venture into such sacred territory in Israel is extreme. Military service is morally not negotiable. That is how serious a crisis the country faced. That is how deep and wide were the social chasms.
THECJN.CA 43
Made with FlippingBook Digital Proposal Creator