Marx and the Taiping rebellion
undermine the rigour with which his puritan policies were followed in Nanjing, with frequent executions of those found in breach. Hong’s sincere initial belief must also be acknowledged, reflected in his drive in enforcing dutifully Christian conduct (in his interpretation) such as the separation of men and women at Thistle Mountain, something he was consistent within his personal life, too; and P.M. Yap’s claim of his insanity since his initial vision is undermined by the capability with which Hong Xiuquan assembled and lead the early Taiping forces. In fact, by the point at which Hong is widely accepted to have been insane he showed no capability for governing Nanjing, preferring theological and recreational pursuits; and he instead delegated to Hong Rengan amongst others. Overall, this highlights the religious element to the rebellion, which Marx ignores. It emphasizes that it was particularly prominent initially, but did linger throughout the revolt, with policies to promote religious belief and ensure adherence to religious codes enforced by the Taiping state. Secondly, the Taiping ideological appeal was political. Hong Xiuquan’s promise of a heavenly kingdom was matched by one of an earthly paradise: a stark contrast to the reality of suffering for most peasants. This is where the socialist reading Mao puts onto the rebellion remerges, and reenforces the aforementioned class aspect of the rebellion. Rengan’s political project offered a post -feudal society; and, as earlier explored, this appealed to the vast majority of subjugated Chinese. In a development of a simple political appeal to those seeking a ‘ rough and ready version of a better life ’ (Johnathan Spence), the Taiping maintained a significant ethno-nationalist appeal, becoming more than a movement against the practices of the governing Manchu dynasty, and one against the existence of foreign subjection by ‘ Tartar devils ’ as Hong Xiuquan would term them. 20 The rebellion began among the dejected Hakka people, giving it an immediately racial, if not ethno-nationalist, appeal. The expansion of it to include the Han, reflected the race-based line Hong Rengan promoted in Taiping propaganda, seeing that it would achieve greater resonance amongst prospective sympathizers than the religious message, and that it had broader appeal to non-peasants. 21 The symbolism of basing themselves in Nanjing, the former Ming capital, portrayed them as inheritors of the pre-Manchu dynasty; and this was not lost on their followers, even if the choice of place was more for practical reasons. 22 Indeed, that the Heaven and Earth society, a secret society which reached prominence years before the emergence of the Taiping, symbolically used the character ‘ Hong ’ , the first character of the imperial reign name of the founder of the Ming dynasty as a ‘password’ among members , reflected generally anti-Manchu sentiment in the region. And the identification of the Manchu ‘ demon devils ’ as representative of the biblical devil (Taiping theology framed the bible as a clash between God and the devil) further entrenches perceptions of racial hatred, as does the blood oath the early Taiping signed to exterminate the Qing. 23 But the Taiping anti-Qing, anti-elite line was necessarily anti-Manchu for they occupied elite positions. What may appear to be a race-based motivation, due to the Hakka and then Han dominated nature of the movement and its criticisms of the government, is limited by the other factors – like the aforementioned persecution of Hakka peoples – which forced these groups together. The racialized language used in reference to Manchu rulers was as much an appeal to racial solidarity amongst the Han, who maintained significant cultural differences to the Manchus, as it was
20 Spence 1996 : 160. 21 Platt 2012 : 160. 22 Spence 1999. 23 Spence 1996 : 160.
247
Made with FlippingBook - PDF hosting