Semantron 24 Summer 2024

Idi Amin

support. The benefits of his Islamization policy within Uganda itself were arguably even more striking, since it allowed Amin to build up a new support base that was independent of (and indeed opposed to) Uganda’s enemies in the west. In 1971 the Ugandan cabinet had only two Muslims ministers. By 1977, 14 out of Amin’s 22 ministers were Muslims. 15 out of 17 branches of the armed forces were led by Muslims, including the State Research Bureau – the secret police, one of the most important pillars of the Amin state. Amin claimed the slaughter of his enemies was religiously justified, and knew his ministers and security forces would obey his orders and do whatever was ordered out of religious conviction as much as to support his regime. 14 In the long run, Amin's 1970s foreign policy has shaped Uganda's current crucial international ties. The relationships he established with major oil and gas exporters persist, and the country benefits from investments by Arab states and sovereign wealth funds. By 2022, Uganda's economy had surged by 5.7%, making it one of Africa's fastest-growing nations. More than four decades after Amin was overthrown, it might seem implausible that this recent success had anything to do with the 1970s regime that horrified the west and earned Amin himself so much condemnation in the western media that he has been demonized ever since. Nonetheless, it did and still does. In conclusion, Amin’s actions were undeniably despotic at times, contributing significantly to short - term instability. Amin’s expulsion of the Asian community, giving them 90 days to depart, resulted in a considerable loss of skilled professionals and in turn led to economic turmoil. Amin's foreign policy choices led to humiliation and instability, exemplified by the Entebbe Raid, alongside the loss of loans and Israeli support. Nevertheless, it is far too simplistic to see just instabilities as a result of his despotic actions. Amin was a man of ambition and determination, and in order to achieve his long-term goals in Uganda during the 1970s, ne needed to be ruthless and indeed despotic. Amin’s acts of de spotism are hard to defend, but were more often than not necessary. They were the only way to liberate Uganda from unequal foreign relations, particularly with Britain and Israel. These actions allowed Amin to regain control over both domestic and foreign policies, eradicating informal colonial influences. Consequently, Amin was able to forge new successful, more productive and equitable relationships with Muslim countries. His domestic policy of Islamization served the dual purpose of fostering cohesion and attracting fresh international affiliations. Although Amin's contemporary legacy is often characterized as demonic, unstable, and despotic, such a perception overlooks the pivotal role his despotic acts played in cultivating enduring Ugandan alliances and emancipating the nation from external dominance. In light of this, the Amin regime’s instability can be construed as an unintended consequence of these successful strategic efforts.

Bibliography

Kyemba, Henry. A State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin. (Paddington Press, Ltd, 1977): pp. 59-61 Mark Leopold, Idi Amin: The Story of Africa’s Icon of Evil (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2020): p. 229.

14 Kyemba 1977: 275.

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