economic future of Africa in Shanghai, 4 and the new headquarters of the African Union, perhaps the most important political building in Africa, was a $200m gift from Beijing 5 . To some, these two examples symbolize the beginnings of a Chinese political invasion of Africa and the development of yet another era of colonialism for the continent of Africa except this time, rather damningly, it will be one they have opted-in to. Unfortunately, the idea that China has only recently moved in to Africa with the sole intention of establishing some sort of neo- colony is fundamentally wrong. Chinas involvement in Africa is surprisingly deep- seated and protracted, kept afloat by what Zeleza describes as Âage-old solidarity imperatives.Ê Although China has had connections with Africa since Admiral Zheng HeÊs Ming-era maritime voyage to East Africa in the early 15 th century 6 , more modern relations between semi-colonial China and colonial Africa have been muted by the dominance of the European colonial powers during the 19 th and early 20 th century. However, the end of World War II marked revolution in China and the decolonization in Africa leading to an enchanting restored sovereignty for both: ever since China re-kindled its diplomatic ties with Egypt in 1956 7 it has been slowly building the foundations of this modern economic revolution. Sino-African diplomacy has since intensified following the Sino- Soviet split; since the split China has augmented its diplomatic relations with countries non-aligned with the West or Soviet bloc, the most prominent of which being in the continent of Africa. Zeleza notes that China saw itself as Âa key leader of the non-aligned world 8 .Ê It was here that China began to form its policies towards Africa, which, as Beijing claims, are still in place today. They are centered on four main 4 Zeleza, P. 2008. The Global South 5 Burke, S. 2013. Is China buying up Africa? . 6 Wu, I. 2013. English Channel 7 Chinese Foreign Ministry. 1956. China-Egypt Relations 8 Zeleza, P. 2008. The Global South
ideological pillars: respect for sovereignty, equality, mutual benefit, and non- interference in each otherÊs internal affairs. 9 Zeleza argues that, with China being a former semi-colony itself, Chinese relations with Africa were as much ideological as they were economic, motivated by anti- imperialism as well as economic cooperation under the Âmulti-faceted imperative of national liberation 10 .Ê It is interesting that the nations who shun ChinaÊs present day involvement in Africa are the same nations that China was defending Africa from as they attempted to fight imperialism by backing African nations in the hot proxy- wars that punctuated the Cold War. However, this shunning may indeed be justifiable: despite ChinaÊs seemingly good intentions Sino-African relations have always been underpinned by misbalance and inequality: even in the embryonic years of Sino-Tanzanian relations, President Julius Nyerere readily recognized that it was a relationship between the Âmost unequal equals.Ê Considering in 2011 Chinas economy was thirty-five times larger than it was in 1980 11 , the relationship is now even more misbalanced. It is this economic dominance that Zeleza credits with leading people to view Sino-African relations in the light of imperialism. Regardless, this long history of Chinese involvement in Africa dispels the myth that the Chinese have politically ÂinvadedÊ Africa in the last decade; in fact, the East has a far longer standing diplomatic relationship with Africa than the West does. China is the only country whose economic policy towards Africa is enabling the continent to escape marginalization from the global marketplace and enter into the economic mainstream. American media has been littered with articles about how China and AfricaÊs policy of mutual Ânon- interferenceÊ in each otherÊs personal affairs 9 Davies, P. 2007. China and the End of Poverty in Africa. 10 Zeleza, P. 2008. The Global South 11 IMF et al. 2012. China GDP: how it has changed since 1980
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