perpetrators attribute their engagement to fear of the other side (2013, p.136).
This highlights the relevance and effectiveness of toxification as an early warning
sign for Rwanda.
This next segment will analyse an International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda (ICTR) report on the use and impact of the Kinyarwanda language, a
report that has had little attention before. The report highlights the extensive
use of the toxifying rhetoric, one significant example is from Kangura in February
1992, where the magazine stated that inyenzi will “exterminate all Hutu, even
foetesus” (1998, p. 48). Furthermore, the report states that before the genocide,
media set the terrain and that the RTLM eased killers’ consciences (p.37). This
epitomises Neilsen’s toxification and under this method, is a clear indication of
early warning. With the report fittingly concluding that “bad words are like
charged pistols, they can kill.” (p. 38). It is important to analyse official court
reports such as this, to identify early warning signs and in turn prevent future
genocides.
Overall, it is evident that there was toxifying propaganda in the media
prior to the genocide. This propaganda unconventionally motivated perpetrators
to engage; the normalisation of such rhetoric with toxifying terms being used so
casually subconsciously normalised and encouraged perpetrators’ engagement.
Additionally, through word of mouth due to limited media distribution. This
highlights the effectiveness of toxification as an early identifier of genocide. The
implications section will apply these findings to current examples, and what this
means for early warning and consequently genocide prevention. In addition to
the limitations of Neilsen’s model and my suggested developments.
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