NOW, THEREFORE, I, RICHARD NIXON, President of the United States of America, in accordance with the wish of the Congress ·as expressed in Section 6103 of Title 5 of the United States Code , do hereby proclaim Thursday , November 25 , 1971 , as a day of national thanksgiving. I call upon all Americans to share this day, to give thanks in homes and in places of worship for the many blessings our people enjoy, to welcome the elderly and less fortunate as special participants in this day's festivities and observances, thereby truly showing our gratitude to _God by expressing and reflecting his love.










HELENE HEIT Business Manager








LARRY FRITZ Feature Editor






NANCY DICK Graphics Editor





HEDDA GORDON Copy & Proofs



BILL SEWARD Circulation Manager



STAFF: Eric Chaffee,Barry Cohen, Frank Castillo, Joy Cummings, George Howell, Wendy Hughes, Michael Sajecki, Janet Weinberg, Steve Baskin, Charles Fontana, Marcia Rybecznski, Heather Ingram, Mike Kaiser, Nancy Doherty, Jim Pastrick, Ann Schillinger, Steven Waldman, Christopher Sajecki, Gloria Simon, Gretchen Siebert, Dick Manning, Jo Ann Pizzo, Mary Sul- livan. STRAIT magazine is published fort11igh t/y by the students of the New York State University College at Buffalo, 1300 Elmwood Avenue, Buffalo, New York, 14222. Office in the SUCB Student Union, room 401; telephone (716) &62-5326, &62-5327. Publishing and operating funds allocated through the Publications Board at SUCB under the auspices of the United Students' Government, SUCB, and through advertising income. STRATT is distributed free to all members of the SUCB community and to students at other selected campuses on the Niagara Frontier. Price per copy for all others: 35 cents; $4.50 year (14 issues). For advertising rates, contact the Business Manager at &62-5326. Circulation : 8,000. Unsolicited manuscripts will be considered for publication by the respective editors, but STRAIT will not be responsible for their return. Persons not associated with SUCB will not be discriminated aflainst in terms of manuscript or graphic publication. Letters to the editor must be designated as such and must be received by this ma11azine five full days prior to the issuance of each magazine. Letters and short articles for the Interchange will be printed verbatim and uncensored, and must be received one week prior to the issuance of each magazine. Editorial policy is determined by the Editorial Board. STRAIT is temporarily serviced by Alternate Features Service (AFS) and is a subscriber to College Press Service (CPS), Denver, Colorado. Copyright 1971 ; all rights reserved: no portion of this magazine, its verbal or pictoral content may be reprinted in any manner without the express consent of the Editor-in -Chief. Printed in the United States of America by RecordPress







In This Issue We have been getting into a thing with this magazine . The first issue was a kind of potpouri of articles and features and the later ones have been rather cohesive issues, dinner spreads, if you will, on focused areas. And now we are back to something like the first one: a tossed salad (in keeping with the culinary metaphor) of all manner of things which we hope will be both interesting and leisurely reading for this short holiday break. Once past the cover, you will find a follow-up of Larry Fritz's article in the .last issue on yogic breathing; a photo essay on kids; a run down on exactly what fascism is by Joseph Bunzel; an article on the new conductor of the Buffalo Philharmonic, Michael Tilson Thomas by Peter Yates; a news article outlining the new 1971 Higher Education Act by news reporter Marcia Rybcxynski; and an especially thorough and studied analysis on the sudden broadening of relations between the U.S. and China by Mike Kaiser. There is even an original STRAIT crossword for your frustration. Graphic credits • Heather Ingram • cover, 14, 15, 20; Barry Cohen • 4, 5, 21, 24; Wendy Hughes• 22; Bill Doran • 6; Nancy Dick • Photo essay, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26.



It appears that contentment is the direct resul- of the balance which may be created within our- selves. It is not really necessary to be happy all of the time, or to find fulfillment in all of our en- deavors . But a combination of insightful self-know- ledge as Russell comments , " cheerful indeffer- ence " to outside pressure and criticism helps us to strike that necessary balance between contentment and chronic disenchantment. Our opinion of ourselves and our role in the universal community is the focal point of our out- look on life . Cynicism and disgust with the human condition is not altogether out of place when we consider the massive trend toward destruction through misuse of the discoveries of science , how- ever, all of life should not be external to us . Total disenchantment - an internal imbalance in many cases. This type of attitude, I think, constitutes a prime escape mechanism for man - an opportunity to avoid taking the time to seek the worthwhile things in life, and a means of maintaining a relative disinvolvement with life . The contrary approach to this brand of cyni- cism is, of course, activism in living ; that is, a development of the positive elements we encounter in our lives rather than a morbid preoccupatiorA with the negative ones. • As was stated before, man has allowed his creat- ions to direct his life. He no longer walks, because he can drive; he no longer thinks, because he can let computers perform the burdensome task . It seems that, in many ways, a terrible mistake has been made. We find that comfort replaces fulfillment and blindness overcomes insight. For some reason it has become too painful for us to seek and accept the world for what it is rather than for what we would like it to be. And so we either protect ourselves through the manipulation of machines or by re- fusing to risk finding aspects of genuine value . An objective review of anything usually yields much less comfort than subjectivity does because it requires facing the facts . The means that we can either wallow in comfort and minimum accomplish- ment, or we can perform the necessary leap toward scrupulous examination of our perception. This will not pad our pleasure sensibilities. It will only fur- ther develop the balance that will keep us from self- deception . It is amazing to find that the immense beauty and sensitivity in the world can be regarded with / disdain and considered inferior to more "practica-,. things" such as technology . To deny the value oWj\ nature in favor of manufactured commodities is per- haps the reason that we find internal conflict. For if we cannot recognize the wonder of nature, we will never see the wonder in ourselves . AMEN.



CONTENTMENT: THE SEARCH WITHIN As man reaches farther into the future with the skills he has developed, he creates a dichotemy that approaches proportions of a severe degree. For at this point it appears that technology becomes the ruler of humanity; where once the man controlled his creations - now the creations control the man. In fact, the spirit of man has not progressed, but only the tools of man have evolved. The proof of this is that the questions we ask now are the same as those we asked at the inception of our race. The greatest secret of life - who we are and why we are here - remains unanswered. The burning concern which plagues us is the idea and desire for contentment with our lives. If we cannot know our eventual fate and the fate of our world, we often posit that we should at least be able to attain relative fulfillment in the type of life we live. Contentment itself is a state which is sometimes debated in terms of desirability. While some people desire most to be content because they find conflict disabling, others see contentment as a living death where nothing more is attempted because nothing more is desired. In any case; the desirability of contentment re- mains relative to the values of the individual and is often a matter of choice rather than chance. Be- cause we are only aware of our world insofar as or perceptions allow, we cannot derive the true nature of our ignorance concerning the essence of life, the attempt is constantly made to attain as much happiness and contentment as possible. Ap- parently, contentment in one's life style is being viewed as the best possible replacement for know- ledge and perspective. 4


After the first supplement of this column ap- peared, a few people asked me just what Field Theory was . I had been meaning to devote a whole column to explaining what the Field approach was, but each time I fumbled for a definition, all I seemed to come up with was a description of things that roughly fit into a pattern with other Field things. I mean, it was really hard trying to pin down, define, establish something that I admit I am still pretty vague about. For one person, I said it was kind of like the play between foreground and background, positive and negative space in design, where you try to maintain a balanced relationship between the two. For another person I said it was like defining an environment and establishing the relationships of things within it . As you can see, it's pretty nebulous. Then I sta,ted to play with ideas that I thought were appropriate to a Field approach. I took the idea of enclosure, or the parenthesis ( . .. ) business, s a way of representing an environment. If you think about it, any space that surrounds you, whether it is defined by your four walls or your field of vision, is analogous to the gap between the two parenthetical signs.

the old traditional Western attitude of looking at things in a linear fashion or on one level only, was being superceded by a newer method, which he at- tributes to the introduction of radio, TV and the other mass media. McLuhan said that mass media allows you simultaneous exposure to a thing or event, that you can see and hear all sorts of infor- mation now that used to be limited to the biased, one-sided view you found in print. He suggested that the way to look at a thing is from two or more points of view, rather than just one, usually the pragmatic point of view. Now, how does this fit in with all my previous ramblings about (?) Just to go a little farther out to get back to the point, let me tell you about my job. After a frantic- ally slow search for a job, I finally found one in the second floor, giftware department of a large department store on the East side (no names men- tioned, folks, just for security's sake). For any other guy who would have had my job, all the work con- sists of is lugging boxes of china dinner sets and lamp shades from one department to another, and eventually to either the shipping department or the p~rcel post department. But not just any other guy has my job. I see myself passing through at least six living, sensuously different environments for about six hours a day, five days a week, It really flips me out to be pushing a cart through the store loaded with such merchandise as an imitation rubber tree and a mineature Pie ta, one complimenting the other. With this kind of a mixed load, I pass from my home point (the place I always return to) through various other points of interest (reference points, if you will) such as · the dinnerware area that reminds me of a mesc. trip, all yellow highlights and music from the nineteen fifties drifting out of the ceiling from hidden spe?kers, with everything from real dead Af- rican butterflies with painted wings in plexiglass boxes to beautiful blue milk-glass urns. From there, through the limits of the young people's clothes department with flashing lights, PHD filling in that territorial space with hardrock boundaries, cutting a neat edge with the muzak flooding over the Jr. Misses department, little black kids running in and out of the clothes hanging from the racks or staring at themselves in the adult-sized mirrors, running in front of my cart as I push it into the elevator area, where I have to pound on the metal doors, hoping either the retarded kid or the deaf black fellow will (cont'd. on page 28, col. 1)

Now, as if this isn't abstract enough, I started to think about Set theory. I'll admit I'm a terrible mathematician: the only 'D' I've earned since I've been here at Buff State was in the only math course I took. But ignoring this little handicap, I thought about the idea of enclosure in a set. Abstractly, you could think of a set as being a defined grouping, or Set A = (* ? ! $), or a set of dishes, which consists of a plate, cup and saucer, silverware and price tag. So apparently, Field Method is _the way you handle he stuff between the parenthesis. Pretty clever, huh? Then, as I was riding on the bus this morning, I remembered something Marshal McLuhan talked about in the introduction of The Gutenberg Galaxy. McLuhan's trip is to show that 5

totalitarianism in Central and Southern Europe must be considered a direct offspring of American good- heartedness . In this light the early enthusiasm for Castro in this country was indeed an aberation and the aiding and abbeting of Latin American military dictator- ships was consistent with general American foreign policy. It is, of course, not easy to define anything as complex as a new or relatively new form of state- hood; politically, militarily, economically, culturally; but we shall try: Politically: parliament is more or less abolished by force although since the French Revolution some system of representation was maintained. Usually it becomes a one-party system so that choices are to be made only within that party but also, in Italy, there was instituted the state corporative (Staendestaat) a kind of chamber of interest groups; the representatives were members of the fascist party as was the case later in Germany. Conse- quently the lower the number of the party card, the higher the status within the party, indicating an early adherence to the Duce and his system. Militarily: the fascist state is founded on force, believes and is inevitably aggressive, partly because it unites the population against a common enemy • if there is none outside, there will be one inside (the communists) even if these groups may be superpatriots (e.g. German Jews). Economically: the fascist state strives for autarchy (self-sufficiency) usually at the expense of the middle classes with high party members replac- ing the cadres of nobility and the workers (in Europe at any rate) somewhat upgraded, at the same time grrossly exploited. Culturally: the fascist state dwells romantically on the splendors of the past, it furthers new designs or discoveries, even sports, and strictly controls mass entertainment. The difficulty in all this lies in the fact that all states want their citizens - or sub- jects - well-housed, well-fed, satisfied, happy and peaceful; thus the means by which these laudable goals are being achieved form part of the difference; the other is formed by the easy verticle mobility and accessibility to leadership roles, some criteria are easier to comply with than others, e.g. conver- sion vs. pigmentation. There are those of course for whom any kind of authority is immediately threatening to their paranoiac egos; they will cry fascist pig without even attempting to find out whether an order is reasonable and reasonably adequate; others will drive their egalitarianism so far that nivellism (to coin a word) will result; they will understand every- thing else as el~tist, if not outright fascist. The truly fascist or authoritarian personality has been recog- nized and described by Adorno and others in a (cont'd on page 28, col. 2)



WHO IS AFASCIST PIG? One ·who has been committed to fight fascism for more than forty years may be permitted a few recollections and definitions for the benefit and in the memory of those who did not live through the "great times." Etymologically the word comes from faces {plural tantum) the bundles of rods which were the sign of the office of the praetor of the Roman Republic (367 b.c.e., abolished by Augustus (sic!) 27 a.c.e.), though the stormtroopers of Mussolini in 1919 were called fascia di combat- timento, namely fighters against communism. There is no doubt that Mussolini was well aware of the great Roman past which in many respects he wanted to reconstruct, as well as of Garibaldi (1802-1882) and his red shirts and the role they played in the unification of Italy. After Mussolini's victorious march at Rome, Fascism came to mean all totalitarian regimes of the right, and later many renegades from the left spoke of fascism right or left so that the youth of today is and must be thoroughly confu13ed as to what a fascist is, what he stands for and what he stands against. It should be kept in mind that after the First World War all European regimes of the right, from Portugal to Latvia, thank their existence to the fear of middle classes to be overrun by communism or revolutionary socialism and even more to the disgust with parliamentary democracy as imposed and en- couraged by the peace treaties. In many instances, the United States also directly and disastrously interfered either by outfitting armies (Wrangel against the Bolshevists) or grain delivery and other foodstuffs (Hoover in Hungary) so that strong-man 6

------- - -- ---- - - -


"MILLHOUSE" : A BLACK COMEDY If you haven't seen Nixon 's nationally televised "Checkers" speech in which he kept himself on the Eisenhower ticket in 1952 by an emotional appeal to mother-pie and applehood as a defense against against charges of improper campaign funding, you owe it to yourself to catch the new film Millhouse . Millhouse, Emile de Antonio's black comedy devastation of Richard Nixon , takes the view from his smear campaign to become freshman representative following WW II, to the present. Right -wingers will most likely cry "Foul!" at de Antonio's cutting of the newscasts and documents that make up the film. Whatever good there was of Nixon in the pieces was left on the editing room floor . The film introduces Nixon in the form of a wax image that is being lowered into place at Madame Tuscand 's in London . From there he is brought to his "last press conference " after losing the 1962 California gubernatorial race to Pat Brown. The press conference is used as a focal point for flashbacks and flash -forwards to illustrate what de Antonio terms as the essential Nixon - Banal , trite, opportunistic , and dangerous. ACTIVIST LAWYERS - A "SPECTACLE" Attorney General John Mitchell, speaking before the Oregon State Bar Association characterized activist lawyers and the judges that agree with them as a "spectacle " whose efforts to effect social change in the country through the courts would, in fact, " turn back the clock hundreds of years to a day when the law was what the king said it was . 11 He called their efforts "a sophisticated exploitation of the machinery of govern- ment. ' ' Mitchell directed his remarks in referrence to the recent dedication of Georgetown University Law Center, where activist lawyer William Kuntsler was originally invited to speak by the law students in charge of planning the exercises . When the trustees of the institution found out about the planned speaker , they took over the convocation planning and invited Chief Justice Warren Berger instead . The student organizers , enraged by this action, organized a counter-convocation and held it in the street outside the new law center . Kuntsler attracted a larger rowd than Burger, whose speech was charactized by a small walkout by the few law students who attended. - WHO OWNS NEW YORK? "Who owns New York? We own New York ! 11 runs a familiar line from an old Columbia University song. No idle boast, however . Columbia University owns $560,000 ,000 worth of property in Manhatten which goes tax-free every year because of the University's status as an educational institution . Many people , especially those living on Morningside Heights who have been served with eviction notices by Columbia, are wondering if the school's status could not be more realistically termed as a "real estate firm ." Pharmacy Site originally purchased for the construction of a new school, refers to eight adjoining apart- ment buildings in good condition . In 1965, after being served with eviction notices, tenants who refused to move out were issued a court decision in their favor when it was proved that the School of Pharmacy lacked construction funds . Columbia no longer has any pretense of constructing a school on the site. Instead they plan to renovate the apartments for faculty and staff members at the expense of the NYC taxpayers. A spokesman for the Morningside Tenant's Committee said : "It 's not costing them a cent and they'll be off real estate taxes for 30 years . 11 SELECTIVE ASSASSINATION In a warning issued almost a year to the hour after the murder of Quebec 's provincial labor mm1ster, Pierre Laporte, a method of Selective Assination of public figures by the Quebec Liberation Front (FLQ) was announced as a means of obtaining government in the French-speaking province. Police authenticated the three new communiques issued by the group after their discovery in Montreal's subway system. One of the communiques was addressed to Quebec 's premier Robert Bourassa; another announced the selective assassination policy as a means to "destroy exploiters of the people;" the third com- munique criticized the present conditions in Quebec . An effort to crush the FLQ rebellion was invoked by Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau in the Emergency War easures Act a year ago . The Constitutional rights of Canadians were suspended at that time giving police _ officials the authority to arrest and detain any "suspicious individuals. 11 Last year's incidents are still fresh in the minds of Canadians causing extensive security measures to be taken in order to protect province officials who might be targets . Among those receiving this security are Premier Bourassa and the provincial governments Minister of Justice, Jerome Choquette.

1971 Higher Education Act



Conferees of the United States Senate and House of Representatives are preparing to study proposals for a multi -billion dollar project de - signed to give higher education a much needed "shot in the arm ." The $20 billion program, known as the 1971 Higher Education Act, would provide ample funds to ease the financial distress that is being felt by most post-secondary institutions. The bill also provides for an increase in the amount of assistance granted to students of these institutions through a number of new federal funding programs .

SUCB with over 10,000 enrolled students and over one thousand students eligible for BEOG, would find itself receiving the maximum allowance . The school would receive a flat grant of $235 ,000 plus an additional $100 for each recipient in excess of one thousand persons. Institutional aid would be with- held, however, until all student ai programs were funded. The House ' s major proposal for instituional aid is a compromise based on two opposing amendments authored by Representatives Edith Green of Oregon, and Albert Quie of Minnesota . The Green amendment favored distri - bution of funds according to the number of Full-Time Equivelent (FTE) students , this formula tending to favor schools with a high enrollment of middle -class students. Conversly , the Quie Amend- ment , which was backed by the Nixon Administration , bases allocation on the number of Federal Aid students. The resulting compromise by the House Committee advocated distributing two thirds of the funds in relation to the number of FTE students, and one third of the funds according to the number of federaly aided students . Glenn Nellis of the State University College at Buffalo and special assistant to President E.K. Fretwall , stated in a recent interview that the Senate plan would prove to be slightly more advantageous to SUCB due to the large number of stu dents here eligible for BEOG's. He adde though, that considerable opposition has - been voiced concerning the Senate formula and that a variation of the House compromise formula is more likely to be passed.

Two different versions of this act are being presented for debate . The Senate - authored bill (S659) was approved by the body last August and contains several important proposals not included in the House bill (HR 7248) , which was passed earlier this month. A Conference Committee of both senators and congressman will receive both versions of the bills in the near future, and will decide the exact contents of the final act. The bill then goes back to Congress for final debate and voting. Both the Senate and the House favor support of the current student aid programs. The National Defense Educa- tion Act (NDEA), College Work Study Program (CWSP), Guaranteed Student Loan Program, and the Educational Opportunity Grant (EOG) are all sched- uled to be continued, along with a raise in the borrowing limit of both Federal loan programs. The Senate bill also proposes to keep the present system of loan "forgiveness" for all teachers and members of the armed forces . The House bill would limit the "forgiveness" to teachers of the handicapped and those in schools serving the poor. In extending the availability of loans, both acts favor the creation of a govern- ment sponsored private corporation to serve as a secondary market for guar- anteed loans.

In directing the funds the Senate proposes making Basic Educational Opportunity Grants (BEOG) available to all students according to their family income. The cost of tuition at the school where they plan to attend would also be taken into account . The Basic Grant could award up to $1400 per year minus the expected family contribution , or pay half the amount necessary to attend the institution - whichever was less. Supple- mental EOG funds could be given to students in exceptional need. The House bill does not include this proposal but opts to continue the present EOG program (as opposed to extending it to all students, as the BEOG program does.) Awards, distributed yearly , along with renewal would be granted upon justification. Raising the ceiling of the award to $1500 has been proposed, and the House would also establish a uniform state allot- ment formula for EOG, Work Study, and NDEA programs where 10% of the available are reserved for use by the Commissioner of Education to take care of special situations. According to the Senate's bill , insti- tutional aid would be based upon the number of students receiving BEOG in the institution, in relation to the total enrollment in the school.

bussing amendments which may tie up the bill on the floor. While some versions of this act will be passed in 1972, the appropriation of funds might prove to be another prob- lem: It is possible that adequate funds are not available for the full funding of the programs.

Other significant prov1s10ns in the Senate bill include a program that would provide for the establishment of several esearch programs in the field of educa- ion. Seed money would be granted for a National Foundation for post secondary education and would fund a National Institute of Education . Both research centers have received the backing of the Nixon Administration. Parts of both bills seek to establish a relationship between the urban com- munity and post secondary schools. The proposed Community Service Learning program would allow students to partici- pate in work -study situations that are directly involved with the community. The Senate bill further proposes allotting grants for higher institutions in metropolitan areas to aid in the creation of programs which deal with the scope and solution of urban problems. Both Houses seek higher appropr- ations for school libraries but because of differences in their institutional aid programs, the formulas differ: The Senate would directly allot $130 million for the project while the House proposed and increase in the current allotment of the Federal government per FTE student from ten dollars to twenty dollars. Numerous other programs have been proposed by the two houses such as ethnic studies, new fellowship programs nd consumer education . A tough fight for passage is expected for several of the proposals in the bill. Debate over the choice of a formula for NYS DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION RELEASES RACIAL/ ETHNIC STUDY The State Education survey of the racial and ethnic distribution of public school students, shows that excluding the " Big Six" cities 5.1 percent of all students enrolled in public elementary and secondary schools are classified in the two major minority groupings - Negro and Spanish Surnamed American. This compares with 4.9 percent in 1969-70. For the "Big Six" cities, 56.4 percent of the students are of a major minority group. This is up from 54.1 percent last year. New York City has the highest per- centage, 60.2 percent, up from 57.9 percent last year. Three more of the State's six largest have enrollments with I over 30 percent minority group students: I Buffalo with 40.8 percent; Ro-chester with 37.3 percent; and Albany with 34.2 M ercent. _ f'9 The study pointed out that 75.5 per- cent of all public school Negro students in the State attend schools in New York City, while an additional 10.5 percent attend schools in the five other major cities. Some 92 percent of the State's EDUCATION

direct institutional aid is anticipated. Another issue may arise from a "minor" proposal for school desegregation. De- spite the fact that the act is aimed at post-secondary education, $1.5 billion of the bill would be funded for school desegregation of elementary and high schools. The "clincher" of the House pro• posal is that it contains several anti-

INSTITUTIONAL AID According to the Senate bill, institutional aid would be based on the number of students receiving Basic Educational Opportunity Grants. TOTAL ENROLLMENT Not over 1 ,000 AMOUNT OF ALLOWANCE $500 for each basic grant recipient 1,001 to 2,500 $400 for each recipient or, if the number of recipients is at least 100, $50,000 plus $400 for each recipient in excess of 100.

$300 per recipient or, if the number of recipients is at least 250, $110,000 plus $300 for each recipient in excess of 250. $200 per recipient or, if the number of recipients is at least 500, $185,000 plus $200 for each recipient in excess of 500. $100 per recipient or, if the number of recipients is at least 1,000, $235,000 plus $100 for each recipient in excess of 1,000.

2,501 to 5,000

5,001 to 10,000

Over 10,000

In an attempt to directly involve the college community in this landmark bill, President Fretwell is encouraging research by students into the various proposals of the bills and their implications for SUCB. Academic credit in political science will prob- ably be granted for participation. Students interested in the Independant Study contract should contact Glenn Nellis in Rockwell 221 .

Spanish Surnamed students attend schools in New York City. During the past five years, in the large cities of the State the major minority group population of the public schools rose from 46.8 percent in 1966-67 to 56.4 percent in 1970-71. The increase was most pronounced in New York City where Negro and Spanish Surnamed American representation in the public schools rose by 10 percent over the five- year period. DISSENT COULD FLARE AGAIN A 177 -page report issued by two researchers for the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, stated that the widespread turmoil and disturbances of May 1970 could very easily erupt and occur again. "The tinder of discontentment on the campus remains dry," the report said. All that is needed to spark a new campus tur- moil is, ''a .calculated governmental action, or more tragically, an unintended consequence'.' They drew reference to the Kent State deaths of 1970 where four students were killed by National Guardsmen during an anti-war demon- stration at the Ohio university.

The report also examined the Jackson State College incident where two students were slain during campus protests over American involvement in Cambodia. Among other things, the report found that the incidents eroded public confi- dence in, and financial support for the colleges. But it accelerated some educa- tional reforms and revealed a "declining commitment to customary academic work" among many students and young faculty members. MORE FREEZE EFFECTS EXPECTED Students who were caught in a bind when universities were allowed to raise tuition costs, but wages were frozen during the three month Wage/Price Freeze, are liklely to be affected again by recent food price increases. A planned Rent Board in the Washington D.C. area will also have an affect on the student in some rent increases that lie on the hori- zon. College teachers whose pay increases were prohibited by the Wage Freeze should be receiving retroactive wage boosts under Nixon's Phase II plan, unless a challenge comes from the college administrations about the new contracts before the pay boards.

The only recognized direct contacts between Red China and the U.S. took place periodically at Warsaw. The U.S. posi- tion has been reinforced by the refusal year after year to vot- in favor of Jetting Red China into the U.N. -U.S. power an• r prestige influenced most of the Western bloc - as well as the neutral nations - to join with us in isolating Mao from the world body . In 1959 Red China publically asked to be admitted, but President Eisenhower in following the example of John Foster Dulles, arrogantly snubbed the request. In order to justify the U.S. position, Eisenhower pointed to the imperialist adven - tures by Mao, including the invasion of Tibet in 1954 and the shelling of Quemoy and Matsu off the coast of the mainland . Since these interactions in the late fifties , nothing of any significance has been advanced by the U.S. to render her position until this past spring when President Nixon announced his plans to visit Peking early next year to meet with Communist officials. What caused the sudden reversal 7 Nixon had as Vice - President in the fifties , aided in formulating America's hard-line policy. The answer is complex , pointing towards an examination of the activities of the intellectual commumty, especially certain few influential diplomats , politicians, and academicians. When our original China policy was formulated , many scholars, largely of liberal backrounds (Galbraith, Schlesinger , Jr., Barnett , and Reischaur) , immediately denounced the stingent measures. At first their influence was slight. However, once Joe McCarthy and his henchmen were erased from influ- ential positions in American politics, more officials began to examine Sino-American relations more closely . With America seemingly recovering from the McCarthy Era , more people were in the position to objectively analyz the U.S. position. This was compounded with the Sino-Sovie break in 1958 over ideology . With the advent of this severence, U.S. intellectuals viewed China as a separate entity and began exerting pressure on the U.S. to re-evaluate Sino-American relations. With the sixties came campus and racial unrest and with that came more re-definition of roles and a greater influence of the intellectual on the national pulse. It became increasingly clearer to see that the U.S. could not ignore a nation of 800 million people - moreover, to keep it out of the U.N. Mr. Nixon , being the astute politician he is, quickly sensed this attitude and responded accordingly - thus adding prestige to his "New Nixon" image . China's changing attitude toward the United States, in analyzing the political, economical, and sociological history of the Maoist regime from 1949 to the present , can be discovered to be a series of ideological struggles within its own sphere of influence . The two opposing factions are the ideological purists led by Mao, and the more moderate realists whose spokesman is Chou En-lai. . From 1949 to 1953 the purists held the upper hand due to the necessity of establishing control over their newly won territory and the Korean War. With the war over, Chinese officials looked inward toward their own economic develop- ment and realized that many of the pure Marxist-Maoist concepts were irrelavant to China's current economic advance- ment . From 1953 to 1957 the moderates took presidence in an attempt to industrialize. During that time China made remarkable advancements. In addition to her economic progress, a "free speech" movement was permitted in the university system. Howeve by 1958 things had changed: Russia was purging from its ranks the remaining Stalinists and adopting a more capitalistic ideology. Realizing this, the Chinese adopted a more purist ideology based on Marxist thought. She subsequently denounced Russia and forfeited more than one billion dollars worth of aid. The "free speech"


US - Sino relations:

Eras & Errors


About four weeks ago America 's foreign policy received one of the most severe blows since the origin of the Cold War. The General Assembly of the United Nations passed the Albania Resolution . The Resolution, passed by a vote of 76-35 , called for the expulsion of Nationalist China from the U.N. and replced her with the communist regime on the mainland. The shock was not so much the result Red China 's admission to the U.N. as it was the Albania Resolution which directly challenged and succeeded in undermining the policy of the most predominant power in the U.N. - the United States. In retaliation , several of America 's own super-patriots, namely John Mitchell, James Buckley, and Barry Goldwater strongly advised the severance of U.S. funds as well as foreign aid to those countries who dared challenge the omnipotence of the Lord's most indentured servant. To understand the meaning of these recent events, I think that it is necessary to trace America 's policy toward each China's relationship to the U.N. as far back as possible . When the mainland of China turned communist in 1949 a great deal of fear dominated the public . Russia had violated the Yalta Agreements and was running rampant throughout Eastern Europe. America, who had regarded Russia and Communism as a friend prior to this , turned its mood into a rather paranoiac, anti-communist frenzy , perhaps rightfully so . The U.S. was the most powerful nation outside the iron curtain and we subsequently took it upon ourselves to police the world in order to halt the spread of Communism - the culmination being Dean Acheanson's "domino" theory . When China fell into Mao's hands hysteria rocked America 's politi- cians because rightest elements, including the famous Committee of One Million, claimed that it was the U.S. who lost China to the Communists by failing to aid Chiang Kai-Shek more than we did. This matter, though quite debatable , was a powerful enough force to keep the U.S. from recognizing the Communist regime, as well as keeping it out of the U.N. China's entry into the Korean War in 1951 , along with the Joe McCarthy witchhunts , reinforced the hard -line, get-tough policy of the U.S. To further exemplify the harshness of this course, at the Geneva Convention of 1954, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles refused to be formally introduced to Communist Chinese Premier Chou En-lai. At the time it was well known that the U.S. had chosen to place its confidences in the govern- ment of Chiang Kai-Shek and his exiles on the tiny island of Formosa, about one hundred miles off the southern coast of China. Chiang, being no more of a democratic figure than Mao, proved an asset to the U.S. containment program. Since 1949 the U.S. has poured an enormous amount of aid - both economic and military - averaging several hundred million dollars per year, and has maintained its own military bases there as part of its committment specified under the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization [SEATO] ; The U.S. has also defended and preserved Taiwan's right as a member of the U.N. Security Council. The antithesis has naturally been the maintainence of the paraooiac course of containment towards the mainland . 10

a more technicalized society was needed. Russi.a was out of the question. One country was left - the United States. Would America be willing to invest? Both America and China, who until recently preached a mutual hatred, are now, for the sake of convenience, beginning to formally accept one another 's presence. The U.N. vote is now historic. Red China has been admit- ted and Nationalist China has been expelled constituting a severe set-back in American prestige. U.S. power was neutralized to a large extent by the Afro-Asian bloc . The irony, however, lies in the fact that Nationalist China was the least affected by the measure because of her present economic prosperity. In Asia she has the highest per-capita income. Most of her trade is with non-U.N. nations, the excep- tion being the U.S. It is unlikely that America will sell Chiang Kai-Shek down the river in the near future because the pro-Nationalist element in America is still strong. It will be interesting, however, to see just how far the American "Two China Policy" can go without having to take sides. Who will emerge victorious in Red China? Possible clues to this may have been uncovered when Lin Piao was purged. In the final analysis , I see the United States as pending witness to a drastic improvement in Sino-American relations. We may well be the vital element in preventing a war between Russia and China. Such a change could also affect the war in Vietnam. Formosa may even have to adjust its political, economic, and social thought patterns to accomodate the mainland.

movement exceeded its limits causing a reaction from the purists. In 1958, the "Great Leap Forward" was initiated in order to reinforce pure Marxism into the Chinese way of life. The radical pursuit once again assumed control. The "Great Leap Forward" was a plan of rapid industrial advancement using collectivist Marxism doctrines, as opposed to the more moderate individualism that preceeded it. Again , a shift: By 1962 the "Great Leap Forward" had ended in complete failure because the idealistic and impractical socialist cult failed to achieve its goals. The prestige of the radicals dwindled, and once again the moderates assumed the upper hand. From 1962 to 1966 the moderates re-initiated their economic doctrines and China tried once again to pick up where she left off in 1958. But now a power struggle was in the making with the radicals emerging in 1966 thus bringing about the "Cultural Revolution ," an attempt by the pure Maoists to destroy the moderates. Purges became prevalent . The Red Guards stormed throughout China harassing, lynching, and beating anyone designated by Mao as counter-revolutionary. The Red Guard met stiff resistance from the peasants, the workers, and the army. At one point, China rimmed the edge of a civil war. Industry came to a complete halt. Estimates have it that millions of people were slaughtered in cold blood. By 1969, China's economy was relatively non-existant. The Cultural Revolution was followed by counter-purges. The moderates again seized control with the help of the army . Again in power, the moderates realized that they could no longer industrialize on their own. Economic investments from

ECOLOGY 1971 An End to Hysrerics From the eye of Environmental analyst, Dan Beard of the Library of Congress, the slow pace of the ecological snail is due to the rough going the environment is getting on its way through the 92nd Congress. In terms of progress, from the 25-bill package proposed by President Nixon last year, the House passed three measures; the Senate - four. Nothing more than two international treaties and a minor communica- tions bill have become law.

environmental issues. But what about sewage treatment plants? Who can get excited over getting rid of a city's waste?" Admitting that the public attitude toward ecological issues has undergone a massive change in the past two years, Beard commented that the public furor over the matter has died down a bit. He added that things are looking better and noted the "quick reaction in i;pvernment" as quite a surprise. "Who would ever have thought that a Republican President would ever get into land use policy," he said. "That's totally subverting local zoning laws." He cited Nixon as having outshone any of his predecessors - on ocean dumping legislation, international awareness, and government organµation. The latest innovation undertaken by the President is the Environmental Merit Awards program, which carrys no mone- tary reward, but recognizes students' contributions to local projects. The Envi- ronmental Protection Agency and Health, Education, and Welfare Office of Education will ad~inister the program jointly, but local citizens' committees will decide the criteria for the recipients. On Capitol Hill, Congress faces dozens of pending environmental bills to handle in the remaining weeks of its first session. The session, expected to end by l December, will see its most pressing measures as this:

An end to hysteria: "The prophets of ecological doom have gone out of fashion ... The stop-start debate on phos- phates is one example of how an issue gets away from clear-thinking people." National standards: A greater tendency to impose national standards is developing but occasionally the strategy ;s unwarranted. Says Beard: "Take the requirement for retaining tanks on all boats. Human waste accounts for one-half of one percent of all water pollution. A closed-in lake in the Midwest needs this sort of control, but not the Puget Sound. This is an easy law to make, but highly inappropriate." Jobs vs. the environment: "We have to face it - people are more concerned about their jobs and money in their pockets than the environment. What happens when they're told that Pintos will cost an extra $1,000 in 1975 because of added pollution controll devices?" What is an environmental issue?: "People agree that building parks and saving whales and controlling smog are 11

"About 3,000 bills, one-fifth the total introd-uced in Congress each year, concern the environment, and the same proportion is enacted into law," says Beard, who works in the Library's Environmental Policy Division of the Congressional Research Service. "The 91st Congress (1969-70) had it easier, because it started almost at point zero. Enacting the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), re-writing air stand- ards, controlling oil pollution • Congress was riding the environmental wave." Now, Beard says, Congress and the public must get into the dirty work and start making the ''really difficult decisions.'' "No longer can the typical Congress- man get by with general rhetoric," he says. "He must face the choice of ending strip mining to preserve scenic areas or continue it to meet the nation's energy needs." Several significant trends are seen by Beard to be developing in the environ- mental awareness of this year's Congress:

Ocean dumping: The Administration's originally proposed bill, passed in early September by the House, has been okayed by the Senate Chamber Committee and now awaits scheduling on the Senate calendar. Water Control: Proposed in four separ- ate bills by the Administration, the package has been approved by the Senate Public Works Committee in different form, and was recently approved on the floor. The House will most likely not get to the bill this year.Pesticides: The House is soon expected to vote on an Agricultur- al Committee re-write of the Administration bill which sets up cate- gories of permits for pesticide use. The

Senate will probably act on the House bill in 1972. Noise: The House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee will work out a bill in the near future that includes the Administration's proposal to set up classes for decibel levels in transportation equipment, construction equipment, and virtually all equipment powered by internal combustion engines. The Senate Commerce Committee is working at it. Ports and waterways safety : Already passed in the House in October, the Administrative proposal to give the Coast Guard the authority to operate a vessel

traffic control system is still being worked on by the Senate Chamber Com- mittee. A spokesman for the committee said that action can be expected this year The three measures on the Administra- tions environment docket that have become law this year are two treaties to control oil spills and the Vessel Bridge- to-Bridge Radio Telephone Act that improves communications between oil- carrying vessels and helps prevent collision and subsequent oil spills. Other major pieces of environmental legislation, such as the lead-in-gas tax, and sulfer-emissions tax, will have to wait until 1972 for consideration by Congress. " The question in simplest terms is whether responsible educators will con- tinue to allow 'academic freedom' to be used as a cover for extremism on the campus, however violent or irrational. In reality, what is called academic freedom in these situations often approaches license without limit . .. "The quality of education depends upon the wise exercise of value judge- ments , especially in the selection, retention, and promotion of those who teach. One may doubt that a Black Panther leader, a convicted felon, is qualified to bring anything worthwhile to the campus. If it is said that a Mafia leader knows much about vice and extor tion, and that a Grand Dragon of the Klan much about bigotry .. . "Should the faculties of our great universities, dedicated to the ideals of high scholarship and the search for truth, be deemed by conspiring extremists who would defile and destroy the very free- doms they invoke? Are our campuses to become Hyde Park and Times Squares, where a soap box is provided for every huckster 7 "Again, it seems to me that the time has come for responsible educators to be far more discriminating in selecting pro- fessors and lecturers, and especially in granting tenure." On the subject of civil disobedience and academic freedom Powell said: "There is among all of us genuinely con- cerned with education a broad consensus as to the traditional campus liberalism, Our colleges and universities must ever be preserved as citidels of free inquiry. They must always foster and encourage - and never suppress - the freedom of both faculty and students to express divergent views, to protest injustice, and to pro- mote social change in which the:v:f believe ... "Yet this high purpose of the university surely will be frustrated and subverted if th

High Court Nominees Under Consideration In a letter sent to all U.S. Senators the American Civil Liberties Union announced that it "deplores the President's announced intention of making Supreme Court appointments for the purpose of tipping the balance of the Court away from civil liberties." The ACLU suggested that in judging the fitness of William Rehnquist and Lewis Powell to sit on the court, the Senators evaluate the candidates' dedication to the. Bill of Rights.

The letter continued saying that in performing its constitutional duty of ad- vice and consent, the Senate should determine more than the "legal literacy and fiscal integrity" of the Supreme Court nominees. "The Court is a coordinate branch of government equal in stature to the execu- tive and legislative branches of government. The Senate should not defer to a claimed right of the President to pick candidates for the Supreme Court who share his judicial philosophy. Rather, we believe, the Senate should exercise its power to approve or disapprove candi- dates for the Court in terms of its own views of their judicial philosophy.'' In its 51 year history, the ACLU has never endorsed or opposed candidates or nominees for public office. The state- ment, as noted by the ACLU in the letter, should not be considered or interpreted as a departure from that policy. Refraining from stating a point of view on either Rehnquist or Lewis, the ACLU asked that the Senate "determine for itself how well or ill their judicial phil- osophies will serve to advance the principles of the Bill of Rights." Lewis Powell, the Virginia lawyer who has been nominated by President Nixon to fill a vacancy on the Supreme Court offered the following remarks at the an- nual meeting of the American Association of State Colleges and Universities in 1968. The comments in his address are of a particular interest now, because one of the chief cases involving higher education is scheduled to be heard by the high court in its current session . The case involves a

non-tenured teacher who claims that his contract was not renewed because of his political activities. Powell opened his address stating, "The greatest care must be exercised to distinguish between the revolutionaries (of the New Left) and the vast majority of students and faculty members who, like society in general, are real victims of the new leftists ..." He covered three areas of "special sensitivity" in the address: Participation in decision making; the role of faculties; and academic freedom . On the role of participation in de- cision making he commented that if the entire scope of demand for student power in the decision making processes of issues relevant to the campus were met, "the present structure of higher education in America would be dismantled and re- placed by the type of student power found in many South American univer- sities." He continued saying: "And yet student views are entitled to be voiced and seriously considered . . . All of this must have substance, and reflect a genuine desire to reach accommodation with responsible studAnt views." On the area of faculty involvment he quoted Erwin Griswald, Soliciter General of the United States at the time, and former dean of Harvard Law School from an address on the violence at Columbia University when he said: "The only persons for whom I have more contempt than for the student groups which created the discord are the faculty members who lent support to them." On Academic freedom Powell said, 12

Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Page 4 Page 5 Page 6 Page 7 Page 8 Page 9 Page 10 Page 11 Page 12 Page 13 Page 14 Page 15 Page 16 Page 17 Page 18 Page 19 Page 20 Page 21 Page 22 Page 23 Page 24 Page 25 Page 26 Page 27 Page 28 Page 29 Page 30 Page 31 Page 32

Made with FlippingBook Online newsletter