and reduce the country's dependence on exports. Propaganda and dis- semination were key tools in establishing the idea of nationalist-oriented consumption, triggering an increase in granting invention patents and trademark registrations (National Institute of Industrial Property, 2010). This concern was taken up by the government of Pedro Aguirre Cerda (1938–1941), which promoted the idea of “national industry” as the central axis of its economic and social policy. Just 30 days after Aguirre Cerda took office on January 24, 1939, one of the most devastating earthquakes in Chile's history struck the south-central part of the country, killing around 24,000 people and causing severe damage to infrastructure in the region. On April 29 of the same year, in order to promote indus- trialization and in response to the need to rebuild the affected areas, the idea of national industry materialized with the establishment of the Corporation for the Promotion of Production (Corfo), whose objective was to promote the development of key industries for the country, such as energy, steel, and food. Although the idea of creating an institution such as Corfo was present before 1939 in Aguirre Cerda's political project, the disaster accelerated, justified, and validated its creation with an urgency that probably would not have existed under normal conditions. Interna- tionally, World War II began that year, which accentuated the processes of industrialization and urbanization in each country and also led to an increase in population as a result of immigration from conflict zones. Through Corfo, the government promoted growth by establishing in- dustries throughout the country that took advantage of local raw materials, created employment, and built towns that sought to reconcile life and work in a harmonious environment. Strategically, a virtuous relationship was consolidated between promoting productivity in the context of the global crisis and the need to solve the housing deficit that had worsened after the earthquake. This new phase, which began in Chile in the 19th century with mining and agricultural exploitation, established manufacturing factories, small workshops, and related industries based on urban peripheries, which favored the location of workers' housing in their surrounding areas. The main oil extraction areas of ENAP (Empresa Nacional del Petróleo), for example, were located on the large island of Tierra del Fuego and the Brunswick Peninsula, consolidating three temporary settlements in Manantiales (1953-1978), Percy (1957-2011), and Clarencia (1951-2011), and four others with infrastructure still in operation in Cerro Sombrero (1958), Cullen (1960), Gregorio (1962), and Posesión (1962). Along with the extraction facilities, ENAP began operations with an administrative area in Punta Arenas and two refineries located in Concón (1954) and Hualpén (1966), transforming crude oil into useful derivatives to be used as a source of energy. Another example is IANSA (Industria Azucarera Nacional), whose plants were set up in Los Ángeles (1953), Llanquihue (1958), Linares (1959), Chillán (1967), Rapaco-La Unión (1970), and Cu- ricó (1974), in locations that were ideal for agricultural production and connected to railway lines that allowed for the transportation of goods. These companies embody the idea of a state that encourages envi- ronments conducive to social welfare through a clear operation: selecting strategic locations to develop productive activities, installing new hous- ing settlements adapted to the diversity of local geographies, and the particularities of the climate of an uninhabitable territory. Through the establishment of “national industry,” CORFO promoted improvements in people's quality of life by planning and creating satellite cities, workers' housing complexes, and industrial neighborhoods, where access to housing was an integral part of the companies' design. Looking at the examples of IANSA and ENAP allows us to see how the state can take comprehensive responsibility for the challenge of job creation and the ongoing need to reduce the housing deficit, which has probably been the state's major concern over the last 100 years. ENAP One of the most basic self-sufficiency needs of the 20th century was en- ergy production. As a company dedicated to the exploration, exploitation,
refining, and sale of oil, ENAP was characterized by its particularities in the extraction of raw materials. Its facilities were located above wells or strategic enclaves of the extraction system that were difficult to access (maritime and land terminals, plants, among others) and often intervened for the first time. Thus, a group of residential settlements consisting of state-owned housing allocated by lottery were located in the same place as the industrial complex. The state's task was not only to install the industry but also to establish a population in productive enclaves where there was no previous real estate development or urban services. Other types of residential settlements associated with ENAP are linked to the Biobío and Aconcagua refineries, as well as the administrative headquarters located in Punta Arenas. In these cases, the homes were located in areas of urban expansion, as they did not require specific geographical conditions. The housing complexes were the result of a coordinated effort between the state, industry, and workers, through savings cooperatives. Examples of these are the Desiderio Guzmán neighborhood in Penco, the Springhill and Rucalhue neighborhoods, both in San Pedro de la Paz and the Concepción Oil Refinery Employee Cooperative Neighborhood in Chiguayante, all linked to the Biobío refinery; the Concón Alto housing complex for the Aconcagua refinery; and the Enapolis housing complex in Punta Arenas. All these cases were built through the Enap Housing Plan, which provided housing ownership to its employees through self-construction or subsidies that allowed employees and their families to access “home ownership” in urban centers or outlying areas with good connectivity and amenities (Cvitanic and Matus, 2019). From the point of view of historical significance and following the decree declaring Cerro Sombrero a National Monument, its construction represented a major technical and logistical effort at the time. In the case of the settlements in Tierra del Fuego, they are considered benchmarks in terms of technical management and political will for their execution, due to the remoteness, isolation, and climatic conditions of these areas. In the case of urban locations, it was decided to annex strategic land from the urban fabric of the cities, integrating these new areas with facilities and services, thus avoiding spatial segregation. The architectural and construction values are represented in the urban layouts that seek to adapt to the different geographies, harmonizing with the landscape and creating neighborhoods through standardized modern movement housing solutions suitable for the families of government employees. IANSA The 1939 earthquake accelerated the need to rebuild and revitalize the south-central part of the country, which, due to the characteristics of the soil, is considered an eminently agricultural region. IANSA's production plants were mainly installed in this area to promote agricultural develop- ment through the cultivation of sugar beets and initiate national sugar production, a product that was previously supplied entirely through foreign imports. These facilities required scientific preparation of agricultural soil, enriching its properties, and installing intensive production through rational crop rotation. This meant that one year of beet cultivation was combined with four or more years of cereal, pasture, and other crops, maximizing field productivity. In turn, beet cultivation became a key source of employment in the area and an important reason for improving and optimizing connectivity to supply the rest of the country, such as improving roads and promoting railways. In this case, employee housing was mainly located within the plant premises or on land close to it, in state-owned units. In most cases, the housing was divided according to the type of position held by company employees, separating operators from managers. In addition to the processing plant, storage silo, and housing areas, the industry was com- plemented by facilities such as sports fields, canteens, schools, daycare centers, meeting centers, dressing rooms, and green areas. These were
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