areas, and multi-family and single-family housing. 117 The Black settlements in early Atlanta were consistent with those of Buttermilk Bottom, built in low-lying, less desirable areas, or in the out-skirts of the city. In the 1930 Atlanta City Directory, the area known as Buttermilk Bottom, had been home to majority White people. By the 1940s, in the City Directory, "Colored" people, an early name given to Black people, occupied most residential houses and apartments there, as identified by the lowercase letter "c" after the person’s name. As Buttermilk Bottom and Butler Street became increasingly racially and socioeconomically homogenous, the material conditions of the area further declined without any reinvestments from the city. 118 The roadways were narrow, difficult to navigate, and some were impassable. 119 Streets were not officially cut by the city so throughout the neighborhoods one would find dead- end streets and streets without proper turnarounds. Many living structures were assembled in alleyways, typically situated behind other better-quality housing. Newspapers boosted numerous claims that Buttermilk Bottom was a blot on the representation of Atlanta and would hurt the growing economy. 120 Beginning in 1913, the Atlanta Convention and Visitors Bureau was created to fashion Atlanta as a place that welcomed visitors. 121 The City’s reliance on conventions and tourism increased making the appearance of downtown important, putting pressure on city leaders to act. On the other hand, residents’ perspective of their community was not of blight, and they responded in one of two ways. First, many who grew up in Buttermilk Bottom described the community as being "close-knit," expressing an ethos of togetherness. Second, the neighborhood’s topography influenced its design and residential patterns, with class being a key factor of housing distribution. People who held better paying jobs lived in houses at the top of the ridge along streets like Angier and Currier. 122 On Angier the homes were built with care and durability in mind and many of these homes stand today. Between 1945 and 1960, 50 percent of the homes on Angier Avenue were still occupied by the same family or their descendants. 123 By 1986, about 45 percent of the homes were razed, 30 percent were new residents, and 25 percent had new residents. 124 This reveals a high degree of neighborhood stability over time and indicates the durability of the build. Families with lower paying jobs lived in the valley and alleyways and homes were built quickly. 125 However, as William Huff shared, “White slumlords were not held accountable for the conditions of the property. Yet Black residents were [the ones] held accountable.” 126 In 1957, a building inspector reported on conditions of families living on Chestnut Street. In one home, six people lived in one small room. The small room was lit by a kerosene lantern, had a wood stove
117 LeeAnn Lands, “ The Culture of Property: Race, Class, and Housing Landscapes in Atlanta, 1880- 1950 ” , University of Georgia Press, Athens and London, 2009.
118 Sanders, “Urban Anthropology”. 119 Sanders, “Urban Anthropology”. 120 Sanders, “Urban Anthropology”. 121 “About ACVB”, Discover Atlanta, https://discoveratlanta.com/news/about/
122 Joan Sanders, “Urban Anthropology”, May 1979. 123 Wood, “The Bedford Pine Neighborhood.” p. 11. 124 Wood, “The Bedford Pine Neighborhood.” p. 11. 125 Joan Sanders, Urban Anthropology, May 1979. 126 Joan Sanders, Urban Anthropology, May 1979.
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