direct debit] to pay for their energy” (Octopus Energy, n.d. a),
explaining that the understanding of online internet deals gatekeeps
lower prices from that demographic.
3.5.2
Management also requires access to an, online, bank
account which Halfon declares: “Nearly 2 million households in
the UK do not have access to a bank account that has an overdraft
facility (2014, Para 5). Therefore, many Britons have no method of
accessing these cheaper rates, which is inherently unfair and
requires attention. This data was collected almost a decade ago so
figures may have altered.
3.6 Halfon claims that “administrative charges of sending out a bill
should not amount to more than 19p per head […] the average charge was
around £80 more per year” (2014, Para 3), though these figures are not
directly comparable, the impression that energy companies are charging
more than they spend by a high profit margin is transparently conveyed
and is unjust by principle.
3.7 A suggestion after consideration of the opposing arguments, would
be a slight reduction in direct debit after a year of patronage to promote
customer longevity, for the benefit of their guaranteed payments. This
then offsets extreme payment imbalance and reduces the damage to
households which cannot choose to pay by direct debit.
4. Should there be greater use of discounts on energy for those who live
closer to energy infrastructure?
4.1 These households require less infrastructure [less material, such as
pipe work or copper wiring] to connect them, so less material is used,
therefore the argument that standing charges should be reduced in a
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