Our Catholic Heritage, Volume I

The Mission Era: The Finding of Texas, 1519-1693.

I· I

,_ 0-::: =-~ THE VENF.lABLE ~IADRE MARIA DE JESOS DE AGREDA WHO !<lllACULOUSLY TAUGHT DOCTRINE TO THE JUMANO AND TEJAS INDIANS FROlol 16,0 TO 1631

FOREWORD

Few epochs in the history of the United States are more worthy of attention, consideration and appreciation than the eras of Catholic mis- sionary activity in the Southwest. Into this region, so vast and mysterious, came the sons of St. Francis and the Spanish explorers to spread culture, religion, and law and thus they sowed the first seeds of civilization. The records of their achievements are the most interesting, the most fasci- nating and the most romantic to be found anywhere in America. These pioneers named almost every place and settlement of the territories through which they traveled. From the time of Coronado and Padilla, the protomartyr of the United States and of Texas throughout the event- ful centuries to the present day the Catholic Church has continued the work of evangelization which has yielded abundant fruits. That religion has bequeathed to posterity a sacred tradition that bears testimony in the course of events to the singleness of heart and the constancy of pur- pose, which from the age of discovery have directed and shaped the spiritual destiny of those who have been fortunate to come under its influence. The State of Texas, now throbbing with activity, was once a lonely wilderness. This modern life and its civilization in America had their beginnings in the rosy-fingered dawn of time, the age of discovery and exploration when the padres and conquistadores plodded their weary way thousands of miles northward into what was then called tierra incognita, the unknown land. They journeyed through burning hot and dusty deserts, barren rocky wastes, great areas, whose rough open surface impeded these travelers at every step. They zigzagged through long stretches of thorny mesquite and prickly cactus. They climbed up rugged mountains and descended dangerous and precipitous slopes that lacerated and bruised their bodies. They endured famine and thirst. They dragged themselves along by sheer power of will and the grace of God, suffering agonies of the flesh and of the spirit. They finally arrived at their dest ination, placing the Cross of Christ and the royal standard of Spain on the soil of Texas. Oh, what a Calvary of sacrifice and pain in this primeval wilderness, cruel and lonely in its surroundings, niggardly in provisions of fruits for the sustenance of human life, hazardous and perilous by reason of the savagery and cannibalism that prevailed in many sections of the

country I By what heavenly wisdom were God's elect led to endure this dark night of the soul, this utter abandonment and exile, this spiritual and physical crucifixion? In the modern epoch of Texas Catholic history there is the same sus- tained interest. The Catholic pioneers had the difficult task of estab- lishing homes in a wilderness in which unyielding nature seemed at times to thwart their efforts. Isolated as they were by wide expanses of territory on the very .borders of savagery, these homeseekers had a courage no less remarkable than their immediate forerunners of the mission era. From their very entrance into this enchanted region, a land of mysterious romance and startling adventure, there was awakened in their souls a new and strange enthusiasm, a creation of energy and vivaciousness in both body and mind, that reflected the characteristics of an environment enlivened with thrilling incidents so intimately connected with wild f ontier life. No knight-errant of the medieval days surpassed in hardihood the horseman of the plains. No chivalry of the court was more formidable than the valor and daring of these dashing cavaliers of the Southwest, living almost continually in the saddle and. sweeping the expansive ranch lands with their galloping steeds. They cared not for blandishments or favors from anyone, for they were lords of all they surveyed. Here were born that independence and freedom, which dominated their lives. Here G s furnished that sturdy manhood that created heroes in war and cham- ons in peace. Here blossomed the ideals and the aspirations which tracted other migrations to this land of stirring adventure. In these series of volumes, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, the his- torians have endeavored to present a critical and comprehensive treat- ment of the mission era followed by the modem period, stressing the narration of achievements and events in their relation to the Church through the various epochs to the present day. This contribution to the history of the Lone Star State has been spon- sored by the Knights of Columbus of Texas and has received their active cooperation and support. The Commission organized by them and which bears their name has labored for many years gathering documents and making preliminary studies in preparation for the more intensive research that has followed. The encouragement received and participation bestowed by the hierarchy composed of the Archbishop of San Antonio and the Bishops of Galveston, Dallas, Corpus Christi, El Paso and Amarillo have stimulated activities in every diocese w,ith excellent results. Here then is the Centennial offering of the Catholics of the State of Texas as a memorial to mark this year of jubilee. On this occasion they

. : I ' I

are joined by many interested Texans of other religions who have assisted the writers and the editor by scholarly information and ~dvice when needed. The editor will not attempt to make personal acknowledgments here to the large numbers of those who appreciably aided in the work, except to express the gratitude of all concerned for the inestimable favors. There are, however, a few historians whose valued criticisms of the authors' manuscripts merit special consideration. These scholars are Dr. Herbert E. Bolton of the University of California, Dr. Eugene C. Barker of the University of Texas, Dr. Charles W. Hackett of the University of Texas, and the Rt. Rev. Msgr. Peter Guilday of the Catholic Uni- versity of America, and finally Dr. Robert T. Hill of Dallas, whose lifelong study of the historico-geography of Texas has given him a unique distinction in his field and has enabled him to use that knowledge of an expert for the benefit of this work. Here also a note of recognition and gratitude should be accorded to the archival staffs of the following irstitutions: University of Texas, University of California, University of Notre Dame, Harvard University, Newberry Library, Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico, the provincial depositories of Guadalajara, Saltillo, Queretaro, Zacatecas, and elsewhere. In Spain, gratefulness should be expressed to the Jefe of the Archivo .General de las Indias of Seville; in France, to the Chief of Staff of the archival department, Affaires Etrangers, Biblioteque National, Paris, and in Rome, to the Custodian and Curator of the Vatican Archives. The many acquisitions of private papers necessary for the completion of this work are too numerous to mention, but here again exceptions must be made. The General Archives of the Vincentian Order in Paris furnished photostatic reproductions of Bishop Odin' s diary and letters, the Jesuit Archives yielded documents transcribed from the Woodstock letters and other papers. The voluminous archives of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate in Texas were made available for copy of relevant materials. The Catholic Staatsverband of Texas has accumu- lated an abundance of data regarding German colonization and settlement during the nineteenth century. Finally to the active and corresponding members of the Texas Knights of Columbus Historical Commission, to the chapters and individual mem- bers of the Texas Catholic Historical Society, its patrons and its sup- porters, to the Congregation of the Holy Cross in general and to the Presidents and faculty of St. Edward's University, Austin, in particular, special expressions of gratitude are due, for by these splendid and gen- erous cooperations this great achievement has been made possible. PAUL J. Fo1K, C. S . C., PH. D ., Editor.

• I

PREFACE

The reader will find in the present volume for the first time the connected narrative of the history of Texas from 1519 to 1694. Incidents and events heretofore considered to have little or no relation with the subsequent history of the State are presented in a new light, as revealed by unused sources. The reader will find, for example, that Cortes, the Conqueror of Mexico, seriously contemplated and actually attempted to occupy the mouth of the Rio Grande; that Nufio de Guzman, long asso- ciated with the cruel conquest of Nueva Galicia, was in fact royal governor of Texas; that Coronado found his Quivira in the area of the Texas Panhandle; that the survivors of De Soto's expedition wandered over a large portion of Texas, going as far west perhaps as the upper waters of the Brazos and the Colorado; and that the western limits of the State were repeatedly crossed between El Paso and present Eagle Pass before 1689. The traditional eight or ten expeditions into Texas up to 1731 have been enlarged to ninety-two, and the list of missions expanded from an equal number to more than fifty. One of the most remarkable episodes in the history of the State is the chapter on the Dominican Martyrs, given in this volume for the first time. Unknown, until the present, a band of four Dominican Friars and a group of Spaniards were shipwrecked in 1553 on present Padre Island. After suffering incredible hardships, the entire group was annihilated; and only one Dominican Friar and one layman lived to tell the story. Nowhere in the annals of American history is a more impressive episode to be found. Of the four Dominicans, two died at the hands of the Indians within the present limits of the State. The facts presented in this volume further show that the establishment of missions in Texas was not the direct outcome of La Salle's furtive expedition; that regardless of the French incursion, the Spanish advance would have taken place; and that the only result of La Salle's unsuccessful attempt to colonize in Texas was the abrupt advance of the Spanish frontier from the Rio Grande to East Texas. This proved an unfortunate circumstance which prevented the normal and gradual extension of Spanish Missions from the Rio Grande into the plains and beyond to the timber lands. The beginnings of missionary activity are to be found

along the Rio Grande in West Teims from El Paso to present Eagle Pass, where over a dozen missions were founded before San Francisco de los Tejas was established in 1689. In presenting all these facts, not only have the old sources been reexamined but many new documents have been utilized as well. In every instance the source has been given, and the place where this may be consulted has been indicated. The author makes no claim to infallibility, but he candidly admits that he has made an earnest effort to arrive at the truth in view of all the evidence before him. This volume crowns the efforts of the Texas Knights of Columbus Historical Commission, which for ten years has patiently labored to this end. The sources gathered by the Commission and those collected by the University of Texas during the last thirty years have made possible the present study. To both, the writer wishes to acknowledge his great indebtedness. Acknowledgments are likewise due to Dr. E. C. Barker for his kindly encouragement; to Dr. Charles W. Hackett for helpful suggestions and the use of sources in his possession which he has kindly furnished; to Dr. J. Lloyd Mecham for timely criticisms and the use of documents which he copied in Seville; to Miss Maurine T. Wilson for the careful preparation of the final copy of the bibliography, and her painstaking checking of all sources; and to Miss Winnie Allen and Mr. E. W. Winkler for useful advice and generous encouragement. The writer further wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Rev. Dr. Paul J. ~ C. S. C., Editor, for constant advice, encouragement, and guidance. C. E. CASTANEDA, Latin-American Librarian, The University of Texas.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I Early Explorations of the Coast of Texas CHAPTER II

The Narvaez Expedition, 1526-1536 ... ....... ... .... ..... ............ ..... .... ... ...... 39 CHAPTER III Coronado and La Gran Quivira, 1537-1544 ............ ...... .... .. .. ......... ..... 82 CHAPTER IV De Soto and Moscoso Beyond the Mississippi, 1537-1543 ..... ... ... .... . u6 CHAPTER V The Dominican Martyrs of Texas, 1553-1554 ........... ..... ..... ..... .. ..... ... 140 CHAPTER VI Exploration of the Big Bend and Pecos Country, 1580-1605 .. .. .. ...... 157 CHAPTER VII Maria de Agreda, the Jumano, and the Tejas, 1620-1654 ...... .... ... ... 195 CHAPTER VIII The Beginnings of Missionary Activity, 1670-1676 ..... .. .... .... ... ..... . 216 CHAPTER IX Founding of El Paso and the Establishment of the Missions at La Junta .... ....... ...... .. ............... ................. .. ................ .. ..... ............ 243 CHAPTER X La Salle's Colony in Texas, 1684-1689 .. ... ..... ... .. ...... .......... ........ .. .... . 279 CHAPTER XI The Search for La Salle, 1685-1689 ... .............. ...... ........ .. .... ...... ... .. .... 301 CHAPTER XII Establishment of Missions in East Texas, 1689-1693 ........... ... .. ...... .. 341 Bibliography .. .... .... .... .. ............ ....... ............ .. .... ....... .... ... ...... ..... .. ... ....... 379 Index .. ....... ... ... ...... ...... ... ... ... ... .. ...... ... ........ ............ ..... .... ....... ............... . 403

' \ . ' I I

ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAP The Venerable Madre Maria de Jesus de Agreda who miraculously taught doctrine to the J umano and Tejas Indians from 1620 to 1631.. ....... ....... ......... ... .... ... .F1"011tispir-o Cabeza de Vaca and his companions restoring to health the Indians they met in the Texas region..... ..... .. .. . Facing page <JO The heroic self-sacrifice of Padre Fray Juan de Padilla, 0.F.M., Apostolic Missionary and Proto- Martyr of the United States and Texas in 1544... . F acing -page 106 The Sacrifice of the Mass celebrated at San Isidro by Padre Fray Larios, O.F .M., on Thursday, May 16, 1675......... .. ... ....... .......... .... ... .. .......... ..... ... ... ... ...... F acing page 266 Fort Saint Louis built and occupied by the La Salle expedition at the Bay of Espiritu Santo in 1685.... F acing page 282 The Funeral Cortege of Padre Fray Miguel Fontcu- berta, 0.F.M., martyr of charity during the fever epidemic at San Francisco de Los Tejas during 1690-1691 .. .... ............. ..... .... ......... .. .. .. ................ .. .. .... .Facing page 346 The First Corpus Christi Procession among the Tejas Indians in 1691.. ..... .. .. ....... ... .... ... .. .... ............ ....... .... .F acing page 362 Map of Texas, tracing expeditions and explorations, and locating presidios, missions and important places .............. ...... .. ... .... ............... ......... ...... .... ........... Facing page 444

THE FINDING OF TEXAS

.. \

I •

\ l . I !

I , i' I I I I I I

f ' ! ! i . I '

I : I I l i I I / ! I 0

CHAPTER I

EARLY EXPLORATION OF THE COAST OF TEXAS

Fully a quarter of a century had elapsed since the eventful landing of Columbus in the Antilles, when Alonso Alvarez de Pineda, a lieutenant of Francisco Garay, Governor of Jamaica, sailed along the shores of Texas in 1519. With a small fleet of four vessels, he was the first European carefully to explore and map the coast line from Florida to Veracruz in search of the mythical Strait of Anian that would lead the discoverer to the exuberant shores of Cathay and India. Repeated failures to find a way across the impenetrable barrier that stood between Spain's desire to share in the profitable trade of the East had not discouraged the sanguine hopes of the tireless conquistadors, who in the years imme- diately following the first discovery had traced the coast line of Central and South America. It was not until they became convinced that there was no passage in this area, that interest in the regions to the north began to develop. The Strait of Anian and tlee exploration of tlee coast of Nortli America. Contrary to general belief, Columbus fully realized that a whole conti- nent lay athwart his path to Cipango and Cathay. In 1498, when on the third voyage, he at last reached the mainland on the northern coast of South America, he carefully explored the country along what came to be known as the Pearl Coast. "I am convinced," he wrote in his journal; after two weeks of exploration, "that this is the mainland and very large, of which no knowledge has been had until now." 1 He wrote to the king and queen of Spain that this was an "otro mundo," perhaps the earthly paradise prophesied by Isaias. "These lands," he said, "which I have recently discovered, and where I believe in my soul , the earthly paradise is situated, will be immediately explored." 2 But the monarchs of Spain and the explorers were more interested in the mundane riches of the far East than they were in discovering the site of the earthly paradise. Ever since this time the question that had been uppermost in their minds was to find a passage through this unexpected barrier to the Spice Islands and their abundant markets.

1 Las Casas, Historia, II, 264. 2 Major, Select Letters of Cofombus, 148-153. [1]

OM Catholic Heritage in Texas

For a while it was thought that the new land was an unknown projection of Asia, whose southern extremity blocked the way to India. 3 It is here that the explanation for the exploration of the coast of Central and South America during the early years is to be found. But after Pinzon's expedition in 1508, which unsuccessfully followed the coast of the new continent to the fortieth degree of south latitude in an effort to discover a passage across it, interest in the regions to the north of the Antilles began to develop. The announcement of King Emmanuel of Portugal to Ferdinand and Isabella in 1499, that Vasco da Gama had succeeded in reaching India, added great zest to the efforts of Spain in discovering a western route. In July of that year, he politely informed the Spanish sovereigns with veiled exultation that Vasco da Gama and his brother Paulo had found their way to the rich markets of the East by way of the Cape of Good Hope. They found, he declared, "large cities, large edifices, and rivers, and great populations, among whom is carried on all the trade in spices and precious stones." They brought back, King Emmanuel continued, a quantity of spices, "including cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg, and pepper . .. also many fine stones of all sorts, such \.s rubies and others." 4 The sting of Portugal's success cut deep and the ·esolve of Spain to find a way to share in the rich trade, which made the wealth obtained from the American discoveries up to this time sink into insignificance, became an obsession. Having found no strait or passage to the south, it was but natural that explorers should turn to the north. Other motives were added in time to the search for a strait. Slave hunters in smaller islands in the vicinity of Cuba and Porto Rico had heard tales of a vast country whose coast line extended northward. To this was added the common report among the natives that there was a large island, directly north of Hispaniola called Bimini, where there was a spring whose waters had the marvelous virtue of restoring youth to those who bathed in them. This island was said to be well populated and there were others beyond, according to popular rumor, where there was gold in abundance. It was a combination of these various motives that caused the ambitious Ponce de Le6n in 1513 to - ·-------==~~-- undertake the discovery and settlement of the Island of Bimini, which later received the name of Florida. 5 Among those who accompanied him SBourne, Spain in America, 104. 4 Ravenstein, Vasco da Gama's First Voyage, xviii, 113. 5Lowery, The Spanish Setllements Within tl,e Present Limits of thrt United States, 1513-1561, 134- 136.

-I I

Early Exploration of tlze Coast of Texas

was a pilot named Anton Alaminos who was destined to play an important role in tracing the outline of the Gulf of Mexico. While on his way back in 1513, Ponce de Leon met a certain Diego Miruelo with a boat from Hispaniola, in the vicinity of Cuba, bound on what appeared to be an unlicensed expedition. 6 It seems that Miruelo was a pilot who engaged in such trips for the purpose of trading with the Indians. How often he visited the surrounding islands and the main- land along the coast of Florida is not known. While on such a cruise in 1516, he is said to have coasted along the western shores of Florida as far as Pensacola Bay. Here he seems to have found the Indians friendly, in spite of their later reputed hostility against Europeans and he exchanged his supply of trinkets and beads for silver and gold. Well satisfied with the results of his venture, he returned to Cuba without making any apparent effort to explore the coast line. But his voyage must have been known to Spanish map makers, as Pensacola Bay bore his name for many years.7 Cordovds expedition and the conquest of Mexico. It was the unfor- tunate expedition of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, undertaken from Cuba, on February 8, 1517, however, that was to lead ultimately to the conquest of Mexico and the first exploration of the entire coast of Texas. Cordova, a wealthy planter of Cuba, was induced by a group of friends who had been to Darien, to undertake an expedition to discover unknown lands to the north, according to Bernal Diaz del Castillo. 8 There are some who believe, nevertheless, that the real purpose was to hunt Indian slaves in the neighboring islands or on the mainland. 9 Fitting out two ships and a brigantine, he enlisted one hundred and ten men, most of them soldiers of fortune, and set out from the northern coast of Cuba in quest of new lands and slaves. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was to attain distinction in the conquest of Mexico and to whom we are indebted for the garrulous and entertaining account of many of the incidents of the early exploration of the Gulf coast and the conquest of the empire of Moctezuma, was a member of the crew. No less significant for the subse- 6 Lowery, op. cit., r 43. 7 Shea, Ancient Florida, in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, II, 236; Cardenas y Cano, Ensayo Cro110/ogico para la Florida, 2; Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las lndias, II, 143. 8 Bemal Diaz del Castillo, Historia Verdadera de la Co11q11ista de la N11eva Es-pana, I, 8-10 (Genaro Garcia Edition). 9 0viedo, Historia General y Natural de las lndias, l, 497-498; II, I 39,

Our Catliolic Heritage in T e:xas

quent history of the exploration of the coast of the present State of Texas was the presence of Ponce de Leon's former pilot, Anton de Alaminos. The expedition sailed to the northwest for several days until a tropical storm overtook the little fleet and threw it upon the coast of Yucatan. in the vicinity of Cape Catoche, which was named by Cordova. "From the ships we saw a large town, apparently two leagues from the coast ... larger than any we had seen in Cuba or Hispaniola," declares Diaz del Castillo. Influenced by the prevailing belief that still lingered, they called the city the Grand Cairo. This was the first time that Europeans came in contact with the now decadent civilization of the Mayas. Cordova and his companions were deeply impressed with the evident signs of culture they now witnessed. The men from the town came out in large canoes, capable of holding as many as forty persons, to visit the strangers. They wore clothes made of cotton fabric, they had artistic ornaments of gold, trimmed with precious stones, and were superior to those of any Indians seen by the Spaniards before in tierra firma. The feigned friendliness with which they received Cordova and his companions was a stratagem to draw them into the interior. With all due caution the Spaniards accepted the invitation to visit the town and complied with the request of the chief, who kept repeating cones catoclte, meaning in his language "come with me," an expression to which the cape owes its name. Before the little band had advanced far inland. they were set upon by a large number of Mayas who had hidden them- selves in ambush. Only the coolness of the commander and the tried courage of the adventurers saved them from total destruction. Hardly a man made his way back to the ships who had not received a wound. For fifteen days the little fleet cautiously sailed along the coast, at the suggestion of Anton Alaminos, in an effort to determine whether the new land was an island or part of the mainland. As they proceeded they noted other cities as impressive as the first one. Forced to land to secure water, they touched upon the coast of Campeche, near a very large town, where they observed the same signs of superior native civili- zation. Obliged to board their vessels by the threatening attitude of the Indians, they resumed their exploration. A severe storm forced them to land a third time, but the natives faced them with even greater fury than the raging elements. After a lively engagement in which Cordova sustained the loss of fifty men, the survivors succeeded in reaching their ships and they sailed away. Cordova, wounded like most of his companions, decided to return to

Early Exploration of the Coast of Texas s Cuba and report to the governor what he had seen and experienced. He carried as evidence a small amount of gold and a few articles secured from the Indians to corroborate his story. But misfortune seemed to haunt the little band. Hardly had they put out to sea, when they were again visited by fierce storms and such strong winds that the expedition was driven off its course. Alaminos pointed out that they were now nearer to Florida than to Cuba, and that, since their water supply and provisions were running low, it would be better to steer to Florida and hence to Cuba. Accordingly, they made their way · to a bay formerly visited by Ponce de Leon on the western coast of Florida. As most of the men were still convalescing from the wounds which they had received at the hands of the Mayas, only twenty men went ashore to get water and such supplies as they could gather. Warned by Alaminos against the treacherous nature of the natives of this region, guards were stationed to prevent a surprise. But in spite of the strict vigilance kept, a swarm of Indians suddenly swept down upon them, overpowered several of the sentinels on duty, and fought the Spaniards as they tried to reach the ships in their rowboats. Before they boarded the vessels, six Spaniards had been seriously wounded and twenty-two Indians killed. Berrio, the only soldier who had come unscathed from the struggles in Yucatan, was captured. The Spaniards were too weak and exhausted to attempt to rescue him. With much difficulty the crippled expedition made its way back to Cuba, where Cordova reported to Governor Diego Velazquez the details of the trip and his strange experiences. Ten days later he died from the wounds he received in the encounters with the natives of the new land of Yucatan. 10 Grijalva's expedition to Yucatan. It was the report of this ill-starred expedition that so excited the cupidity of Diego Velazquez that he imme- diately dispatched a fleet of four vessels, under the command of Juan Grijalva, his nephew, to ascertain the truth concerning the wealth of the newly discovered country. Anton Alaminos again accompanied the new expedition in the capacity of pilot, and Pedro de AlvaradQ, who was later to play so important a role in the conquest of Mexico as a lieutenant of Cortes. was captain of one of the ships. Better prepared to resist the bellicose natives, the expedition made its way to Yucatan 10 The facts summarized here are gathered from the accounts given in Diaz de! Castillo, Historia Verdadua: 1, I 0-33; Cardenas y Cano, E11sayo Cro110/ogico, 3; Oviedo, Historia Ge11cral, 1. 497-498; II, 139; Winsor, Na,-rt1/h1e a11d Critical His- tory, II, 236-237.

•

I \ I

l ' I

011r Catholic Heritage in Texas

and from there explored the coast of the Gulf of Mexico as far as present day Veracruz. After a few encounters in which the superiority of the martial equipment of the Spaniards was demonstrated, the Indians, convinced of the ability of these soldiers to defend themselves, consented to trade. By the time Grijalva reached the two small islands opposite Veracruz, the spoils of gold, silver, and precious stones had grown to such an extent that he thought it advisable to send a ship back, under the command of Alvarado, to report to Velazquez the success thus far attained. In the meantime he continued along the coast towards P a nuco, but the strong arguments of Alaminos, who declared it was madness to go farther in the direction of Florida, caused Grijalva to turn to Cuba from a point somewhere between Veracruz and Panuco R iver.11 When Alvarado arrived in Cuba, almost a month in advance of Grijalva, Governor Velazquez could hardly believe his eyes. He upbraided Grijalva for not having established a settlement and taken possession of the rich lands visited. His avarice and ambition could brook no delay. Before the return of the main body of the expedition, he had already begun active preparations for the organization of a new fleet, designed to take pos- session of the new country. It was this expedition which he placed under the command of Cortes, who was destined to become the conqueror of the rich empire of the Aztecs. Upon the return of Grijalva, in October, 1518, it seems that the adventurous pilot Anton de Alaminos, who had sailed with Ponce de Leon in 1513 to the coast of Florida and had later accompanied both Cordova and Grijalva in their explorations of the coast of the Peninsula of Yucatan and the Gulf of Mexico, made his way to Jamaica. Francisco Garay, a former companion of Columbus on his second voyage, now wealthy and desirous to become the conqueror of a new province, listened with undisguised interest to the tales of the great wealth and the impressive civilization of the natives of the lands visited by Alaminos in recent years. Disappointed, perhaps, by not having been allowed to join the expedition of Cortes, which set sail on November 18, 1518, Alaminos must have pointed out to Garay that there was still time to occupy the new land or a portion of it before Cortes arrived there. If Garay would fit out an expedition, he could establish a claim to a share Garay becomes interested in exploration. 11 Diaz del Castillo, op. cit., 27-48 ; Oviedo, op. cit., I, 502-517; II, 139-143 ; Herrera, Descripcion de las Indios Occidentales, I, 58-62 ; 7 3-7 5 ; Navarrete, Colec- cion de /os Viages y Descubrimimtos, s 5-74.

I I I I I I I j I

Early Exploration of tlLC Const of Texas

m the great wealth of the new country just visited by Cordova and Grijalva. To these considerations, the experienced pilot also added the possibility of finding the long sought Strait of Anian somewhere between the west coast of Florida and Veracruz. It should be kept in mind that interest in a passage that would make possible a direct western route to India and Cathay had not waned. Alaminos had been with Ponce de Leon and knew the shore line of Florida as far as Pensacola Bay. He had followed the coast from Yucatan to Veracruz under Cordova and Grijalva. He knew that in the portions explored there was no strait, consequently the fleet that might be sent by Garay could easily explore from Pensacola Bay to Veracruz on the way to the rich land of the Aztec empire soon to be conquered by Cortes. The fact that Garay's lieutenant followed exactly this course lends considerable weight to this supposition in spite of the absence of documentary evidence. 12 Pi11eda's expedition, 1519. At this time the Indies were immediately under the jurisdiction of the priors of the Order of Saint Jerome to whom the king had granted full authority. Garay, fully impressed by the stories of Alaminos, who, judging from the influence he had over the men in the voyages of Cordova and Grijalva, must have had a convincing per- sonality, decided to organize an expedition of four Yessels as suggested. It was the object of Garay to attempt not only to reconnoiter the unex- plored coast but to establish a claim to a portion of the wealthy lands to which Cortes was now sailing. Having obtained the necessary per- mission for the undertaking from the priors of the Order of Saint Jerome, he dispatched his fleet of four Yessels under the command of Alonso Alvarez de Pineda early in the spring of I 519. The exact instructions given to the leader of the expedition will forever remain unknown. According to the report which Garay made to the king a year later, the purpose had been to try to discover a strait or passage across the continent which blocked the way to India and to provide a more direct route to the far East. 13 But the demand made by Pineda of Cortes, when their men met a few leagues north of Veracruz, that he acknowledge the jurisdiction of Garay to the lands explored seems to indicate that the establishment of a claim to the wealth of the empire of the Aztecs was 12 Cardenas y Cano, E11Sayo Cro11ologico, 3-4; Lowery, op. cit., 150-1 53; Diaz del Castillo, op. cit., I, I 68-169 (Garcia Edition). 13 Real cedula da11do facultad a Fr,wcisco de Garay para poblar la provincia de Amiclul ... in Navarrete, Colucion de los Viages, III, 147.

Ot1r Catholic Heritage in Texas

also one of the chief aims of the expedition. 14 Be that as it may, the fact remains that whatever the divers purposes of the expedition, it was the first to explore carefully and map the entire coast of the present State of Texas and to complete the exploration of the Gulf of Mexico from Florida to Yucatan. The exact date on which Pineda set out is unknown, but it must have been at the beginning of the summer of 1519. 15 Following a northern course after he passed the Island of Cuba, he seems to have made his way to the vicinity of the Bay of Pensacola. Still doubting, perhaps, that Florida was part of the mainland, he undertook to follow its shores to the south and east in an effort to round its southern extremity. But adverse winds and the strong currents off the cape prevented Pineda from carrying out his purpose, according to the official report sent to Spain. He now changed his course, and retracing his steps, followed the coast line closely around the gulf towards the west. He was careful to note, as he went, the character of the land, the bays, the inlets, and the rivers. Observations were made concerning the natives seen, the vegetation, and the presence of precious metals in the ornaments worn by the Indians. After coasting for a distance of about three hundred leagues, stopping repeatedly on the way to take formal possession of the land and to trade with the Indians, Pineda arrived in Veracruz in August, only to find Cortes already there. 16 Cortes meets Pi11eda's men. It was on the eve of Cortes's departure for the interior, immediately after he had carried out the sinking of all his ships to prevent his dissatisfied followers from abandoning him, that he was informed of the presence of the unwelcome intruders. After establishing the Villa Rica de Veracruz and organizing its civil govern- ment, he had left for Cempoala, an Indian town of importance about four leagues from Veracruz. It was here that Juan Escalante, his lieu- tenant, brought him the news. He declared that four vessels had appeared before the harbor; that he had gone out in a small boat to inquire who HFrancisco Lopez de Gomara, Cronica de la Nueva Espaiia, in Barcia, Histori- adores Primitivos, II, 44-45; Diaz del Castillo, op. cit., I, 168-169; Oviedo, op. cit., Ill, 261-263 ( 1853 edition); Herrera, op. cit., I, 136; Cervantes de Salazar, Cronica de la Nueva Espa,ia, 182-183. 15 Cervantes de Salazar, Cronica, 182-185 . From this account it appears that Piueda arrived in Veracruz August 1 and remained off the coast until the I 5th. Considering the stops made by Pineda on the way from Florida as he coasted to Veracruz, it must have taken him three or four months to make the trip. 16 /bid., 182; Cardenas y Cano, of cit., 3; Navarrete, coleccion, III, 147.

' '

. I I l

Early Exploration of the Coast of Texas

they were; that he had been told that the ships had been sent out by Francisco Garay, Governor of Jamaica, to discover new lands. Escalante had explained to the newcomers that Cortes· had already taken possession of the land; that he had established a villa at Veracruz; and that he would be glad to give them any aid they might need, if they would but come into the port with him. The intruders promised to follow him, but instead they sailed along the coast · to the north and anchored a few leagues below the harbor.17 The strange actions of the unexpected visitors gave much concern to Cortes, who had reason to fear the consequences of interference at this critical moment in his great enterprise. He well knew that Velazquez and Garay were friends who might have joined forces to defeat his purpose. He determined, therefore, to proceed to Veracruz in person to ascertain the real object of the expedition. Taking with him fifty men,1 8 he marched down the coast to the place where Pineda was anchored, which was about three or four leagues north of Veracruz. A short distance from this spot he was met by three men who had come from the ships, one of whom informed him that he was a notary public and that his companions came as witnesses. He proceeded then and there to serve official notice to Cortes, in behalf of Garay, that the land had been discovered by him; that it was his intention to establish settlements and take formal possession; and that Garay desired Cortes to agree to a boundary or definition of the extent of his discoveries so that he might establish a settlement at a spot he had selected about seventeen leagues north of Veracruz. Cortes gave no signs of surprise or apprehension. He politely informed the notary public and his companions that before he could agree to anything, he would have to speak to their commander and see the royal patent or grant to Garay. He asked them to return to their ships and inform Pineda that he would be welcome at Veracruz, where he would receive whatever aid he might need and where they could discuss the subject of the limits of their respective explorations. He assured them that if Garay had a royal patent or grant he was ready to abide by whatever the king commanded. To this the notary public replied that it was useless for him to take such a message back as neither Pineda nor 17 Hernan Cortes, Carta de Relacion, October 30, 1520, in Barcia, Historiaaores Pri,,,itivos, I, 3. 11 Cortes in his Carta does not say how many men he took with him. Gomara in his Cronica says I oo. Diaz del Castillo says 50.

· ·· ----- . .. -

Our Cat!tolic Heritage in Texas

any of his men would set foot on shore. The commander, it should be remembered, had no royal patent, as the expedition had been undertaken merely with the approval of the priors of the Order of Saint Jerome. "Believing they had done some evil in the land, wherefore they were afraid to appear before me," declares Cortes, "I secretly took a position on the coast after it was night, opposite to where the ships were anchored out at sea." He had previously taken the three men prisoners. 19 All that night, and until noon the next day, Cortes waited in ambush to capture any man who might be sent ashore in the hope of finding out more about the details of the expedition, where it had been and what places it had visited . 20 The long vigil becoming irksome, he resorted to a ruse. He made the notary public and his companions exchange clothes with his soldiers. These substitutes he directed down the beach to signal to the ships to send a boat ashore to carry them back. Shortly after those on board noticed the signal, a boat was lowered with twelve men. Those on the beach retired a short distance, as if to stand in the shade of some trees nearby, in order that their companions from the ships might not recognize them. As soon as the boat reached the shore, four men walked out, two with crossbows and two with guns. As they made their way to where their supposed companions stood, they were quickly sur- rounded and taken captive. The others who had remained in the boat put out to the ships in all haste. By the time they reached the nearest vessel, all the sails had been spread and the anchor weighed. From the prisoners taken by this clever strategy, Cortes learned how the expedition had stopped at a river which was thirty leagues to the north of Almeria, which was itself twelve leagues to the north of Veracruz. Here they had been welcomed by the natives and had been plentifully supplied with provisions. Gold in some quantity had been found among the Indians. In exchange for their stock of trinkets and beads the Spaniards had secured as much as three thousand pesos in gold. They explained that they had not landed, but that from the ships they had observed a number of towns along the river banks. The houses were not of stone. They seemed to be made of straw and adobe. Some of them had two stories. 21 Pineda and his men seemed disappointed, however, 19 Diaz del Castillo, who was an eyewitness, says there were four men but he gives the names of only three of them. HiJtoria Verdadera, I, 1 69. 20 Tbe chief source for the account given of this incident is Cortes Carta of Octo• ber 30, I 520, previously cited. 21/ bid., I, 4.

! I l I '

t I ; • I I

Early Exploration of the Coast of Texas

with the nature of the lands they had visited. 22 On two occasions they were driven back to their ships by the natives before entering the Panuco River, which they named after the chief of this region. 23 From the account of Diaz del Castillo, who as already stated was an eyewitness of the incident, it seems the prisoners taken by Cortes explicitly stated they had stopped to explore a part of Panuco River before pro- ceeding to Veracruz, but in his letter to the king, it is interesting to note that Cortes carefully avoided mentioning the name of the river. At this time he had not yet explored or occupied the Panuco region, but he was not willing to admit to the king that a rival had visited it before him, as this would have given Garay a good claim to a province which was a part of the Aztec empire.2' 1 But if Cortes failed to tell the whole truth of this affair to the king, Garay did as much. In his report which accompanied his request for authority to colonize the lands explored by Pineda, he declared that he had set markers on the ground to determine the extent of his jurisdiction. 25 From all the evidence available, it is obvious that not a man of the expedition set foot on shore long enough to put up a boundary marker in the vicinity of Veracruz, which was perhaps, the farthest point reached by Pineda. 'P'emporary settlement at Rio de las Palmas ( Rfo Grande}. As soon as the boat returned from the surprise encounter with Cortes, Pineda seems to have spread all sails and set his course to the north. Not until he reached "a very large river" did he stop on his homeward journey. Unfortunately we do not have any record of the distance traveled to help us determine the approximate location of this stream. The little fleet put in at the mouth of the river and proceeded to careen the vessels, a task which took forty days. During this time the country around was explored and the river was penetrated for a distance of six leagues, or about eighteen miles. At the mouth, Garay declared in his report, there was a large town, while along the distance explored, the men counted 22 Herrera, Descripcion de las l11dias, Dec. ii, Lib. vi, 135. 23Cardenas y Cano, Ensayo Cro11ologico, 3-4. It is interesting to note that when Pineda made his report to Garay he made no mention of these hostilities with the natives. Garay reported, consequently, that the natives were all friendly, when he requested his grant to establish a settlement in the lands explored. Cf. Navarrete, Coleccion, III, 147-148. 24Cf. Cortes, Carta de Relacion, October 30, 1520, with Cervantes de Salazar, Cronica, 1 84 ; Diaz del Castillo, H istoria, 1 70. ZSReal cedula, Navarrete, Co/cccio11 dtJ Viages, III, 147.

l I I I

I I I I I I \ ! I I

Our Cae/iolic Heritage in T ezas

as many as forty Indian pueblos on either side of the river. The natives were friendly and a lively trade was carried on with them during the stay. From here Pineda resumed his homeward journey, still following the coast closely and noting the character of the land, the vegetation, and the natives. Upon his arrival in Jamaica, about nine months after his departure, he reported that no strait had been discovered; that the entire coast line from Florida to Veracruz was part of the mainland; and that the country visited was healthy, fertile, and peaceful. He declared there were many rivers where fine gold could be obtained, as shown by the ornaments which the natives wore on their noses, ears, and other parts of the body. The Indians, he said, were tranquil, kindly disposed towards the Spaniards, and inclined to become Christians. Still obsessed with the belief in races of giants and pigmies, it wa5 declared in the official report that there were, in the lands visited, men who were very tall, as much as ten and twelve spans, and others who were medium size, and still others who were very small, five or six spans in height. 26 A careful map was drawn, perhaps by Alaminos, based on the informa- tion acquired during the expedition, on which the entire coast line of Texas and the Gulf of Mexico is delineated from Florida to Yucatan. On this map the points where the exploration of Pineda began and where it ended are indicated. He seems to have claimed the right of first dis- covery for Garay from a point slightly west of Pensacola Bay to a point well to the south of Panuco River. In the original draft of the map, the mouths of six rivers are shown within the area explored by Pineda from Pensacola Bay to about thirty leagues south of Panuco. Of these rivers, however, only two are labeled : Rio del Espiritu Santo, which has been identified with the Mississippi, and the Panuco River. Between these two rivers there are four others left unlabeled. 27 From the details given in the report just described and the declarations of Pineda's men to Cortes, it appears that the expedition visited two distinct rivers on which they stopped at different times. One of these was unquestionably the Panuco, which was entered on the way to Vera- 26 /bid., III, 147-148. 27 Compare the outline map published for the first time in Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, which appears to be a tracing of the original draft, with the photostat copy of the original published for the first time by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso in his edition of Cervantes de Salazar, Cronica de la Nueva Es,pa1ia (Madrid, 1914). The tracing published by Navarrete shows only five rivers in all, but the original draft of the map shows six.

I \ 1 I I l

I i I I

Early Exploration of the Coast of Texas

cruz, where the prisoners told Cortes of their experiences with the Indians of the Panuco region, described the houses, and stated the amount of gold value in pesos they had obtained from the natives. 28 But after the expedition left Veracruz, they again stopped at another river which they described as "a very large river," according to the official report, where they stayed for forty days to careen their ships, and during which time they not only traded amicably with the natives, but explored the river for a distance of six leagues, in which area they counted as many as forty different Indian pueblos. 29 The question that naturally arises is where did Pineda and his men stop for forty days on their return trip? It has been suggested that the "very large river" was very likely the Mississippi because of its volume. 30 But on the other hand, there never was a large Indian pueblo at the mouth of the Mississippi, nor such a group of Indian villages in its immediate neighborhood as was described so minutely by Pineda in the report transmitted to the king. 31 That the river on which they spent forty days on the return was the Rio Grande, soon to become known as the Rio de las Palmas, is borne out by the statements of the notary public in his interview with Cortes. At that time he declared that Garay wished to have the limits of their respective lands determined in order to establish a settlement on a river which was approximately thirty leagues north of the Panuco. This statement is corroborated by G6mara, who declares that the distance from the Panuco River to the Rio de las Palmas is thirty leagues. 32 It so happens that the actual distance between the two rivers is approximately ninety miles, which is the equivalent of the number of leagues indicated. Keeping in mind, therefore, that it was the intention of Pineda to establish a colony on a river which was thirty leagues from Panuco, it is more than likely that after he left Veracruz he stopped to reconnoiter the site before he recommended it for per- manent occupation to his employer. There remains, however, the question of the volume of the river course. In this respect, it is necessary to remember that Pineda left Veracruz about the fifteenth of August. 33

28See page Io ante. 29See pages I 1-12 ante.

30 Lowery, S,Panisli Settlements within the Present Limits of lite United States, 150; Shea, Ancient Florida, in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, II, 237 . 31Navarrete, op. cit., III, 147 . 32 G6mara, Historia de las lndias, in Barcia, Historiadores, II, 36. 33Cervantes de Salazar, Cronica, 182-185.

' I I

I I ' l

Ottr Catholic Heritage in Texas

This season of the year is the flood season of the Rio Grande. When the surface waters of the vast area drained by this river reach its lower stretches, they assume a volume which is truly imposing. If Pineda arrived in this area during the overflow, it is not strange that he should have described it as "a very large river," as the stream spreads over an area of two or three miles at such time of inundation and its swirling muddy current discolors the blue gulf for many leagues out at sea. 34 The numerous Indian villages, however, are incontrovertible evidence that the river visited on the return trip was no other than the Rio Grande. 'When in 1653, Alonso de Leon, Sr., led an exploring expedition from Cade- reyta to the mouth of the Rio de las Palmas, the first land expedition to the Rio Grande recorded, he declared: "There are numerous Indian nations along its banks, who are highly civilized." 35 The full significance of the Pineda expedition lies in the fact, then, that it not only was the first to explore and map the coast line of Texas as heretofore admitted, but it was also the first to penetrate any of the rivers which water the present State. The mouth of the Rio de las Palmas, which was no other than the Rio Grande, as will be further shown in the course of this chapter, was thus first occupied for a period of forty days in the fall of 1519. This area can, therefore, claim the distinction of being the second to be visited by Europeans within the present limits of the United States. It was to its mouth and to the friendly Indians among whom Pineda spent forty days that Garay dispatched a new expedition a few months later. Had it not been for the dominating success of Cortes in Mexico, the efforts of Garay actually to colonize the area in the immediate vicinity of the Rio Grande might have met with better results. But the constantly growing desire to share in the fabulous wealth of the Moctezumas, reports of which spread like wildfire, caused the men whom Garay sent to become dissatisfied and to attempt to colonize Panuco River in preference to the Rio Grande. The explanation is simple, they wished to be as near as possible to the scene of the unprecedented and meteoric achievements of Cortes. Garay sends Camargo to settle Rio Grande. Francisco de Garay was more than pleased with the report which Pineda made to him concerning the land explored, its wealth, and the friendly nature of the Indians. 34 The writer grew up in the vicinity of the mouth of the Rio Grande and he has vivid recollections of its imposing floods. 15 Genaro Garcia, Historia de N11evo Leon, in Documentos lneditos, XXV, 205.

I f

, l

1 :t ..r '

Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Page 4 Page 5 Page 6 Page 7 Page 8 Page 9 Page 10 Page 11 Page 12 Page 13 Page 14 Page 15 Page 16 Page 17 Page 18 Page 19 Page 20 Page 21 Page 22 Page 23 Page 24 Page 25 Page 26 Page 27 Page 28 Page 29 Page 30 Page 31 Page 32 Page 33 Page 34 Page 35 Page 36 Page 37 Page 38 Page 39 Page 40 Page 41 Page 42 Page 43 Page 44 Page 45 Page 46 Page 47 Page 48 Page 49 Page 50 Page 51 Page 52 Page 53 Page 54 Page 55 Page 56 Page 57 Page 58 Page 59 Page 60 Page 61 Page 62 Page 63 Page 64 Page 65 Page 66 Page 67 Page 68 Page 69 Page 70 Page 71 Page 72 Page 73 Page 74 Page 75 Page 76 Page 77 Page 78 Page 79 Page 80 Page 81 Page 82 Page 83 Page 84 Page 85 Page 86 Page 87 Page 88 Page 89 Page 90 Page 91 Page 92 Page 93 Page 94 Page 95 Page 96 Page 97 Page 98 Page 99 Page 100 Page 101 Page 102 Page 103 Page 104 Page 105 Page 106 Page 107 Page 108 Page 109 Page 110 Page 111 Page 112 Page 113 Page 114 Page 115 Page 116 Page 117 Page 118 Page 119 Page 120 Page 121 Page 122 Page 123 Page 124 Page 125 Page 126 Page 127 Page 128 Page 129 Page 130 Page 131 Page 132 Page 133 Page 134 Page 135 Page 136 Page 137 Page 138 Page 139 Page 140 Page 141 Page 142 Page 143 Page 144 Page 145 Page 146 Page 147 Page 148 Page 149 Page 150 Page 151 Page 152 Page 153 Page 154 Page 155 Page 156 Page 157 Page 158 Page 159 Page 160 Page 161 Page 162 Page 163 Page 164 Page 165 Page 166 Page 167 Page 168 Page 169 Page 170 Page 171 Page 172 Page 173 Page 174 Page 175 Page 176 Page 177 Page 178 Page 179 Page 180 Page 181 Page 182 Page 183 Page 184 Page 185 Page 186 Page 187 Page 188 Page 189 Page 190 Page 191 Page 192 Page 193 Page 194 Page 195 Page 196 Page 197 Page 198 Page 199 Page 200