Populo - Volume 1, Issue 2

Another explanation for why this form of extreme unconventional participation

occurred is argued by Uhlaner. Whereby, we often view politics in terms of who

is around us, this plays into the idea of group identity and how this can be a

catalyst for mobilisation (1986, p.565). This argument allows us to propose that

a group of likeminded individuals who have a similarly low level of trust towards

institutions, are motivated to act unconventionally with their group in order to

cause institutional change. This provides a strong explanation for why this event

happened with Trump’s supporters having a strong group identity with similar

views and lack of trust that motivated them to engage in the most

unconventional participation by the storming the Capitol building.

10). Discussion

10.1). How does trust in political institutions affect the nature of participation?

Regarding how exactly differing levels of trust in political institutions affects the

nature of political participation, our initial hypothesis appears somewhat correct

based upon our case studies. Firstly, from the example of Watergate we see that

whilst levels of trust were in fact low, this was mostly directed to President Nixon

himself and not the political institution of the president or government as a

whole. We see that the effect the scandal had on the way Americans participated

after was in fact conventional in nature, with Republican partisans most notably

abstaining from voting in the following mid-term elections. This largely aligns

with the arguments made by Lee and Schachter who say that in situations like

Watergate, we will not utilise unconventional participation as institutional

mechanisms are still functioning well for us, and we can likely amend the lack of

trust we feel in a given moment by replacing individuals or administrations

(2019, p.407). Furthermore, the example of the Iraq War protests continues this

sentiment. Whilst the protests following the Iraq War were less conventional

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