i
Editor-in Chief
Abigail Miller
Editors
Imogen Graham, Jessica Evans
and Alex Rees
ii
This journal is published by students and staff at the Department of History and Department of Classics, Ancient History, and Egyptology at Swansea University.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieved system, or in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher, nor be otherwise circulated in any form or binging or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on subsequent publisher.
© Swansea University
iii
Contents
Introduction
p. iv.
Ffion Devonald-Jones,
HIH3340, Dr Tomás Irish
‘The W omen of Wales an d World Peace’ – Welsh Women’s A ctivism on
Behalf of Peace and the League of Nations.
p. 1.
Niamh McGrath
CLH364, Dr Maria Pretzler
Small Greek States Could Only Survive by Giving up Their Autonomy. Discuss.
p. 13.
Christos Vlastaris
HIH396, Dr Regina Poertner
How Important are Ideas on Human Nature for Theories of Government?
Discuss using at least two examples from this module .
p. 25.
Maeve Silver
HIH227, Dr Matthew Stevens
To What Extent Were the Jews Expelled from England in 1290 Because They
Were No Longer Economically Useful to the Crown?
p. 38.
James Wynne-Ferguson
WS-201, Dr Gerard Oram
Critically Discuss the Relationship Between the First World War and the Emergence of
Modernism in Art .
p. 49.
Endnote
p. 61.
iv
Introduction
Dear Reader,
It has been a pleasure to further the re-establishment of our student journal this year and I
am very grateful to have inspired so many of you to be passionate about the project.
Through my role as Editor-in-Chief I have not only been able to tailor a brilliant and
supportive editing committee but I have also felt that we have been able to reintegrate the
journal into our student culture.
The essays published in this edition are specific to the winter term, and were selected not
only for their quality, but for their scope of subject material. We feel very fortunate that so
many of you submitted your work to us and it is this range of submissions, from across the
faculty, that has influenced this edition. The work showcased here accommodates not only
ancient and modern topics but also political thought and the relevance of artwork as
historical sources. It portrays the diversity of modules that our faculty offers but also the
lively interests of our fellow students.
It has been my goal this year to inspire my fellow students to be passionate about their
work and sharing ideas. I feel grateful that we as a committee have been able to achieve
this.
Abigail Miller
History BA Editor-in-Chief of Gorffennol Secretary of Swansea University History Society
v
Ffion Devonald-Jones
‘The women of Wales and World Peace’ – Welsh Women’s activism on behalf
of peace and the League of Nations.
The late nineteenth and early twentieth century saw women’s emergence in the
field of international relations. Women were key figures in the development of new
discourses in this field, and the women of Wales were no exception. 1 The title of this essay
indicates the role that Welsh women had in these wider discussions of international
cooperation, as ‘The Women of Wales and World Peace’ was a topic on the agenda of the
Welsh League of Nations Union meeting in Aberystwyth on the 23 rd of May 1923. 2 This
essay will discuss how women played a part in international affairs and navigated their role
within the field, by looking at key women like Winifred Coombe Tennant. It will also
highlight the important role that women played in the Welsh League of Nations Union and
how they contributed to wider international discussions. It will also address the link that
many women made between femininity and peace, which in many ways allowed them
access to these international discussions.
The First World War’s greater impact on civilians and the home front meant that
women were impacted by war in a way that they had not been previously. This therefore
allowed women to use their experiences of war to strive for peace. 3 Carrie Chapman Catt
stated, ‘The combined services of the women of the world have been sufficient to warrant
1 Patricia Owens and Katharina Rietzler eds, Women’s International Thought: a new History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), p. 2. 2 Academi Heddwch Cymru, ‘#OTD 23 May 1923: The Aberystwyth Conference of Women for World Peace’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs (23 rd of May 2023) <https://www.wcia.org.uk/academi-heddwch- cymru/otd-23-may-1923-the-aberystwyth-conference-of-women-for-world-peace/> [accessed on 10/11/2023]. 3 Jan Stöckmann, ‘Women, Wars and World Affairs: Recovering Feminist International Relations, 1915 - 1939’, Review of International Studies , 42.2 (2018), 215-235 (p. 226).
1
some kind of representation at the peace table surely’ . 4 Women’s war experiences and their
new suffrage opened opportunities for them within the field of international relations. The
ways in which women differed from men, in this instance, worked to women’s advantage.
Lelila K. Rupp argues that women were more connected to internationalism than their male
counterparts because of their shared political aim of universal suffrage. 5 Helena Swanwick
when discussing the injustices faced by women and children within international diplomacy
said, ‘I have often reflected… how much safer women would be if men let off protecting
them’ . 6 The League of Nations gave women a platform to speak on international relations
for the first time. However, although the League created a female political platform, it made
very little effort to challenge the gender norms that existed within society, and heavily
emphasised their role as mothers. 7 We can therefore argue that women’s involvement in
international relations was due to them emphasising the ways in which they were different
to men. Through doing this they were therefore able to contribute to international affairs
through providing a per spective they felt couldn’t be provided by men.
The postwar years saw the establishment of the Women’s International League for
Peace and Freedom, in 1919. It’s headquarters in Geneva brought women together to work
towards international goals for the first time. The WILPF interacted in debates surrounding
international agreements, as they initially were critical of the League of Nations by arguing
that their intentions were not always centred around achieving peace. The WILPF was
inspirational to many women’s organisations, as seen when they along with 28 other female
4 Mona Siegel, Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women’s Rights after the First World War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2020), p. 1. 5 Stöckmann, p. 220. 6 Stöckmann, p. 216. 7 Helen McCarthy, The British People and the League of Nations: Democracy, Citizenship and Internationalism, 1918-1945 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011), pp. 182-192.
2
organisations showed their support towards the Kellogg-Briand Pact. 201 public meetings
were held across North Wales, showing their support for these nations turning their back on
war as a solution of international disputes. 8 This is one way in which Welsh women
interacted with international organisations through activism in local areas. However, we
also saw Welsh women directly interact with the League, as seen when in 1922 Winifred
Coombe Tennant was selected as a delegate for the Third Assembly of the League of
Nations. She became the first woman to represent Britain, and she developed a public
discourse of women’s diplomacy. Her vocal standpoint on women’s involvement in politics
normalised women’s contributions within the public sphere. Coombe Tennant viewed the
Wilsonian ideals which were central to the League through a gendered lens, and
emphasised the diverse ways in which gender operated within international politics and
how this was essential to achieve peace.
Coombe Tennant’s speech calling for the League of Nations to become ‘the League
of Mothers – for it is from the mothers of the world that it will receive a dynamic power, a
driving force, which is essential to it if it is to accomplish successfully a task which has
hitherto baffled all ages and all races – the task of establishing an enduring peace’ . 9 These
views were supported by those of Julie V Gottlieb who argued that women were journalists
for wider audiences after they had acted as ‘theorists and practitioners’ in the interwar
years. 10 These women are reflections of how they took these post-war years as an
opportunity to contribute to international discussions and work to achieve lasting peace.
8 Annie Williams, ‘Women and the Peace movement in North Wales 1926 - 1945’ in The Appeal ed. by Jenny Mathers and Mererid Hopwood (Talybont: Y Lolfa, 2023), p. 191. 9 Robert Laker, ‘Gendering International Affairs: Winifred Coombe Tennant and the League of Nations Assembly 1922’ on Women’s History Network (23 rd of August 2021) <Gendering International Affairs: Winifred Coombe Tennant and the League of Nations Assembly, 1922, by Robert Laker – Women's History Network (womenshistorynetwork.org)> [accessed on 12/11/2023]. 10 Stöckmann, p. 219.
3
The contributions of Welsh women can be seen through figures such as Winifred Coombe
Tennant and her direct involvement in the League, or through the women in local
communities and their involvement in local League of Nations Union events. Women’s
contributions to the discussion of international peace allowed them greater entrance into
the public sphere and allowed the development of many new female contributions to the
field of international relations.
The League of Nations activity reflected a shift in the understanding of nationhood
that had developed in the postwar years. The idea of ‘enlightened patriotism’, which took
an individual’s love for their country and applied it to wider international dipl omacy, grew
popular. Britain, and more specifically Wales, had developed a sense of belonging to this
imagined international community after the Leagues presence within civic traditions. The
way in which these activities crossed the political spectrum made it an inclusive body which
grew to become a representation of national identity. 11 The Welsh had what was described
as the most ‘league themed’ society in all of Europe, and easily held the most popular
support. The Welsh population strove for their nation to play a central role in international
affairs. 12 The establishment of the League of Nations Union in 1920, with the funding of
David Davies, had shown the importance of peace to the Welsh people as by 1923 the
Welsh League of Nations Union had 20,000 members and 400 branches. 13 This attracted
many women as it was their first opportunity to be able to campaign for peace. One clear
example of this is the Welsh Women’s peace petition of 1923, which has been considered as
11 Helen McCarthy, ‘The League of Nations, Public Ritual and National Identity in Britain 1919 - 56’, History Workshop Journal , 70 (2010), 108-132 (pp. 110-111). 12 Rob Laker, ‘The 1935 Peace Ballot in Wales’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs (2020) <The 1935 Peace Ballot in Wales - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 12/11/2023]. 13 Aled Eurig, ‘The Aftermath of the Great War in Wales and the Search for Lasting Peace’ in The Appeal, ed. by Jenny Mathers and Mererid Hopwood (Talybont: Y Lolfa, 2023), p. 48.
4
one of the earliest attempts of citizen involvement in internationalism. 14 The Welsh
Declaration of Peace stated ‘we long for the day when the affairs of nations shall be subject
no longer to the verdict of the sword. And we feel that the dawn of the peace which shall
endure would be hastened were it possible for America to take her place in the Council of
the League of Nations’ . 390,296 women signed this petition which called for America to join
the League of Nations. The petition, which was reported to be 7 miles long, was taken to
America by Annie Jane Hughes-Griffiths, Mary Ellis and Eilned Prys to be handed to the
President. 15 In an entry from Hughes- Griffiths’ diary she speaks of how when in New York
she was asked to talk about her mission and said ‘I mentioned the link between Wales and
music Dr Damrosch – the story of Theo Roosevelt and Rev D. Richards about the perfect
marr iage between ‘O Fryniau Caersalem’ and the tune ‘Ola Derby’ asked for the perfect
union bet: Wales and America for World Peace will we produce a symphony 2nd to none’. 16
These three women represent how Welsh Women were now more politically engaged in
matters of international relations. The Welsh League of Nations Union represented all walks
of Welsh life and gave many an opportunity to share their views on these matters. 17 The
Welsh League of Nations Union allowed these women to make substantial contributions to
discussions of peace and gave women an international platform to share their views on
these matters.
One way in which the Welsh League of Nations Union interacted with communities
was through Daffodil Days. They pulled on the idea of outward looking patriotism and were
14 Eurig, pp. 41-42. 15 Craig Owen, ‘’Inspired by Annie’: The Story of the 1923 Wels h Women’s Peace Petition to America’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs <"Inspired by Annie": The Story of the 1923 Welsh Women's Peace Petition to America - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 10/11/2023]. 16 Annie Jane Hughes-Griffiths diary, 15 th of February 1924. 17 Gronwy J. Jones, Wales and the Quest for Peace (From the Close of the Napoleonic Wars to the Outbreak of the Second World War) (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1969), p. 98.
5
a way for the Welsh to project their international interests. Over 15 years, Daffodil Days
were held in 600 Welsh towns and cities, where boxes containing these flowers were
delivered to be distributed by volunteers. The label of ‘for world peace’ and the use of the
daffodil as a symbol of world peace, was a statement of Wales’s national pride in working
toward international peace. 18 These generated much attention and support for Wales’s
community activism as the Western Mail stated that ‘The national flower of Wales has
become the international flower for peace’ . 19 Welsh women also embarked on the
Women’s Peace Pilgrimage of 1926, where they marched from Caernarfonshire to London
holding banners that said ‘Law not War/Hedd nid Cledd.’ 20 The Peace Ballot of 1935 was
another example of the Welsh population rallying in support for peace. Over a million Welsh
people voted which equated to 62.3% of the Welsh electorate. 21 Wales’s community
activism was extended to a wider audience in 1925 when the first ‘neges hedd ac ewyllys
rhydd’ was sent from the children of Wales to the children of the world, as a greeting of
friendship. The 1925 message ended saying ‘Long Live the Le ague of Nations Covenant – a
friend to every mother, defender of every home, and guardian angel to the youth of the
world’ . 22 The work of the Welsh League of Nations Union grew to be internationally
recognised after their commitment to working towards a lasting peace. Women’s work also
gained international attention like with the Women’s Peace Petition and later the official
18 Rob Laker, ‘Daffodil Days of the 1920’s -30s: Celebrating Wales- wide Community Activism’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs <Daffodil Days of the 1920s-30s: Celebrating Wales-wide Community Activism - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 13/11/2023]. 19 ‘International Emblem’, Western Mail, 3 rd of August 1925. 20 Williams, p. 184. 21 Laker, ‘1935 Peace Ballot in Wales’ < The 1935 Peace Ballot in Wales - Welsh Centre for International Affairs
(wcia.org.uk)>. 22 Eurig, p. 49.
6
affiliation between the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and the
North Wales Women Peace Council. 23
In 1919 when Wilson was traveling to Paris for the Paris Peace Conference, a Young
Alsatian women greeted him with a bunch of flowers and thanked him as the man who had
recovered Alsace and Lorraine from German control. This woman was used by the press to
represent that women should be grateful for the work of these great statesmen, rather than
greet them with political demands. 24 Although some women had been granted suffrage by
this point, there were still very strong ideas on the role of a woman, and these were
extended to their involvement in international politics. Although, women emphasised the
differences that existed between sexes in their favour. Women used the essentialist
argument that stated that women were naturally more peaceful than men as they were the
‘guardians of life’ to argue that they should therefore have greater involvement in peace
discussions. 25 Anges Maude Royden also argued that women ‘know the sufferings of war
without its glory’ . 26 These arguments were also used by the League of Nations Union as one
of their leaflets quoted ‘War is negotiation of all women’s primary instincts. War means
destruction. Women are concerned with construction; with bearing and rearing children,
with home making, with caring for the weak, the sick, the aged, with preserving the lives
that war must destroy’ . 27 Dorothy Gladstone referred to age old juxtapositions between
genders when arguing that women and their maternal instincts made them a perfect fit to
support the League. She called for women to see it as an opportunity to ‘mother the world,
23 Williams, p. 186. 24 Siegel, pp. 5-6. 25 Maude Royden, ‘War and the Women’s Movement’, in Towards a Lasting Settlement, ed. by G. L. Dickinson and C. R. Buxton (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916), pp. 131-146 (p. 314). 26 Stöckmann, p. 226. 27 ‘Women Work for Peace’, League of Nations Union Leaflet, 1934.
7
and saving the world from the sorrow and suffering that war must always bring’ . Gladstone
pulled on these traditional views of femininity to argue that it was one which worked
alongside pacifism. 28 Cathrine Marshall also supported this view in her 1915 essay, where
she stated that women’s experiences of being heads of households could be used in
building relations between nations. 29 These connections that women made between their
femininity and maternal instincts and internationalism gained them respect within the wider
international field. We therefore see a shift occurring in the interwar years where women
moved away from simply thanking the men who created international change, to those
women being given a platform to contribute in a way that they were previously unable to do
so. We are therefore able to argue that the creation of the League of Nations and the role of
individual nations within the League gave women greater opportunities to contribute to
debates surrounding the establishment of international peace.
The Welsh League of Nations Union emphasised the role of the mother in an
international discourse, when Minnie James was asked to open the Temple of Peace in
1938. She had lost her three sons because of the war and was used as a representation of
the loss that women suffered at the hands of war. Mothers from varying nations coming
together to open the Temple of Peace was used as a symbol to reflect how mothers bear
the brunt of war, despite the masculine emphasis of remembrance. 30 On the 10 th of
November 1938, Minnie James said, ‘I feel so happy for my sons. I shall feel them near me
when I come back to open this beautiful building’ . 31 The Women’s International League for
28 McCarthy, The British People and the League of Nations , p. 182. 29 McCarthy, The British People and the League of Nations, p. 195.
30 Craig Owen, ‘The Story of Minnie James and the Temple’s ‘Mothers of Peace’’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs <Minnie James and the Temple's 'Mothers of Peace' - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 14/11/2023]. 31 Minnie James visiting the Temple of Peace, 10 th of November 1938.
8
Peace and Freedom also used these ideas to appeal to women as one of their early
membership cards stated, ‘We protest, as guardians of life, against the sacrifice of our
children in the attempts to settle international disputes by violence and bloodshed, and
undertake to do all in our power to further the settlement of such disputes by reasonable
and peaceful means’ . 32 This emphasis on the humanitarian aspect of war allowed women to
draw on the idea of social maternalism and apply these ideals of family welfare to the wider
community. 33
The interwar period undoubtably saw an increased amount of female activism in the
field of international relations. International questions reached the general public through
actions of the League of Nations Union and therefore saw an increase of female
p erspectives being considered within this international discourse. Women’s ability to use
the ways in which society differentiated them from their male counterparts, worked to their
advantage, arguing that they were able to provide a different view than men. Welsh female
activism saw contributions to many big international disputes of the interwar period, such
as the debated membership of the United States and the Kellog-Briand Pact. Alongside
these contributions to big international discussions, they also contributed to the cultural
idea of peace, with the establishment of Daffodil Days. Welsh women made many crucial
contributions to the new field of international cooperation, in a period which saw their first
involvement in the political world. Welsh women and the Welsh League of Nations Union
contributed in many ways to the attempts at international peace and created traditions like
‘neges hedd ac ewyllus rhydd’ which still exist in the present day. These women have
32 Williams, p. 186. 33 McCarthy, The British People and the League of Nations , p. 194.
9
therefore contributed to not only the early establishment of international cooperation, but
also created lasting impacts on the field of international activism also.
10
Bibliography of Primary Sources
Annie Jane Hughes-Griffiths diary, 15 th of February 1924. ‘International Emblem’, Western Mail, 3 rd of August 1925. Minnie James visiting the Temple of Peace, 10 th of November 1938. Women Work for Peace’, League of Nations Union Leaflet, 1934.
Bibliography of Secondary Literature
Academic Heddwch Cymru, ‘#OTD 23 May 1923: The Aberystwyth Conference of Women for World Peace’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs (23 rd of May 2023) <https://www.wcia.org.uk/academi-heddwch-cymru/otd-23-may-1923-the-aberystwyth- conference-of-women-for-world-peace/> [accessed on 10/11/2023] .
Eurig, Aled, ‘The Aftermath of the Great War in Wales and the Search for Lasting Peace’ in The Appeal, ed. by Jenny Mathers and Mererid Hopwood (Talybont: Y Lolfa, 2023).
Jones, Gronwy J., Wales and the Quest for Peace (From the Close of the Napoleonic Wars to the Outbreak of the Second World War) (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1969).
Laker, Rob, ‘Daffodil Days of the 1920’s -30s: Celebrating Wales- wide Community Activism’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs <Daffodil Days of the 1920s-30s: Celebrating Wales-wide Community Activism - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 13/11/2023]. Laker, Rob, ‘The 1935 Peace Ballot in Wales’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs (2020) <The 1935 Peace Ballot in Wales - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 12/11/2023]. Laker, Robert, ‘Gendering International Affairs: Winifred Coombe Tennant and the League of Nations Assembly 1922’ on Women’s History Network (23 rd of August 2021) <Gendering International Affairs: Winifred Coombe Tennant and the League of Nations Assembly, 1922, by Robert Laker – Women's History Network (womenshistorynetwork.org)> [accessed on 12/11/2023]. McCarthy, Helen, The British People and the League of Nations: Democracy, Citizenship and Internationalism, 1918-1945 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011). McCarthy, Helen, ‘The League of Nations, Public Ritual and National Identity in Britain 1919 - 56’, History Workshop Journal , 70 (2010), 108-132.
11
Owen, Craig, ‘’Inspired by Annie’: The Story of the 1923 Wels Women’s Peace Petition to America’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs <"Inspired by Annie": The Story of the 1923 Welsh Women's Peace Petition to America - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)>[accessed on 10/11/2023]. Owen, Craig, ‘The Story of Minnie James and the Temple’s ‘Mothers of Peace’’ on Welsh Centre for International Affairs <Minnie James and the Temple's 'Mothers of Peace' - Welsh Centre for International Affairs (wcia.org.uk)> [accessed on 14/11/2023].
Owens, Patricia and Rietzler, Katharina eds, Women’s International Thought: a new History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021).
Royden, Maude, ‘War and the Women’s Movement’, in Towards a Lasting Settlement, ed. by G. L. Dickinson and C. R. Buxton (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916), pp. 131-146.
Siegel, Mona, Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women’s Rights after the First World War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2020).
Stöckmann, Jan, ‘Women, Wars and World Affairs: Recovering Feminist International Relations, 1915- 1939’, Review of International Studies , 42.2 (2018), 215-235.
Williams, Annie, ‘Women and the Peace movement in North Wales 1926 - 1945’ in The Appeal ed. by Jenny Mathers and Mererid Hopwood (Talybont: Y Lolfa, 2023).
12
Niamh McGrath
Small Greek States Could Only Survive by Giving up Their Autonomy. Discuss.
The concept of autonomy has come to define the ancient idea of the polis in the
modern day. A polis is not, allegedly, a polis without being autonomous. This generalisation
appears ironic considering that in the 6 th and 5 th centuries BC many states were already
dependencies and by the 4th century BC most could be categorised as such. 1 However, to
say that existing as a dependency was to give up autonomy proves problematic. Today, the
word autonomy can mean anything from entirely independent to self-governing down to a
local level, and some argue the ancient equivalent autonomia was equally as wide ranging.
Therefore, to begin this investigation, it is necessary to first assess arguments as to what
autonomia meant to a polis in the 5 th and 4 th centuries BC and what exactly was being
“ given up ” . Additionally, it must be considered whether it was a particularly devastatingly
negative act for a polis to waive their autonomy or if it was unimpactful. This will largely be
explored through the work of Thucydides and Aristotle, alongside Athen’s two im perial
attempts- the Delian League and the Second Athenian Confederacy. Finally, the seeming
‘alternative’ concept of neutrality as a way for smaller states to retain, at least some, of
their autonomy will be discussed. Ultimately, most small Greek poleis did undoubtedly need
to surrender what would be defined today as autonomy to a larger power, in the form of an
alliance, league or confederacy, in order to survive. This essay will largely agree with
Hansen’s idea that states did not retain autonomia , but preserved what was arguably more
accessible to small city states, autarkeia . However, although this was certainly the case in
1 Mogens Herman Hansen, ‘The “Autonomous City - State”. Ancient Fact or Modern Fiction?’ in Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis , ed. by Mogens Herman Hansen and Kurt Raaflaub (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag, 1995), pp. 21-43 (p. 22).
13
the fifth century BC, Athenian hunger to regain their imperial power in the fourth century
BC led to autonomy developing into a propagandic dog whistle, rather than a genuine
concept, much like ideas of panhellenism. Although Aristotle’s work refers to autarkeia in
terms of economic and demographic self-sufficiency, after the battle of Leuctra, the
absolute dependence of member-states of the Confederacy not able to defect to Thebes on
the Athenian navy to keep themselves secure makes it difficult to comfortably be able to
define them as retaining autarkeia, yet alone much left of autonomia .
First, as mentioned, it must be determined what exactly autonomy or autonomia
means for this debate. Hansen rightly points out that defining poleis as simply autonomous
is problematic considering a majority of states were dependencies by the 4 th century. 2 He
argues that ‘autonomous’ poleis should be defined as both independent and autonomous
units, as long as autonomous is taken to mean the Greek definition “to live under one’s own
laws”. 3 As a majority of poleis were dependencies and not independent, this is hard to
reconcile. Many historians try to alleviate this issue by claiming that poleis were ideally
autonomoi , aiming for the status, but this is not backed up in ancient sources before 375
BC. 4 In terms of how autonomia can be defined using ancient sources, unsurprisingly,
sources can agree that Athenian imperialism, Persian rule and the presence of Spartan
garrisons prevent states from being autonomoi . 5 Moreover, there is agreement that a state
cannot be ruled by a tyrant. 6 Again unsurprisingly, membership of the Peloponnesian
League or a Federation also means a state cannot be classified autonomia . 7 Finally, cleruchy
2 Hansen, p. 22. 3 Hansen, p. 23. 4 Hansen, p. 24. 5 Athenian: Thuc. 1.67.2, 1.139.1; Persian: Xen. Hell. 3.2.12, 3.2.20; Spartan: Xen. Hell 4.8.1, IG ii 2 43.10-12; Hansen p. 34-35. 6 Hdt. 1.96.1, Dem. 17.7; Hansen, p. 34. 7 Peloponnesian League: Xen, Hell , 6.3.7-8; Thuc. 1.144.2; Federation: Xen, Hell 4.8.15; Hansen p. 35.
14
and perioikic communities are also not compatible with autonomia . 8 Considering this list of
incompatibilities, half of all Greek poleis , at one point or another, would be classified as
having been stripped of their autonomia , yet alone just smaller states. For example, all
members of the Delian League (apart from Samos for varying periods), would have been
considered so. Moreover, Hansen places a certain degree of passive aggressive emphasis on
the fact that many of those res ponsible for these “incompatibilities” allegedly “did not
deny” that their actions infringed on autonomia . 9 On one hand, this could be considered
fair, Thucydides has Pericles well aware that the Megarians were not autonomoi and
Xenophon’s King Artaxerxes implies that his rule over Greek cities would violate their
autonomia . 10 Therefore, it is not outrageous to assume, considering how many
incompatibilities there are, that leaders of hegemonies simply did not care about infringing
upon their subject states' autonomy. On the other hand, this should be read with caution,
particularly considering Thucydides, who de Ste Croix rightly points out often puts speeches
into the mouths of his characters, as these dialogues are fictional creations of the authors. 11
The complexity of understanding what autonomia constituted is clear when
considering its use in Thucydides. The clause in the Peace of Nikias concerning Delphi is a
particularly interesting case as it uses the phrase autonomia followed by two similar
adjectives. This is typically translated along the lines of “the people of Delphi shall be
independent, having their own system of taxation and their own courts of justice”. 12 Hansen
rightly rejects Ostwald’s suggestion that the following two adjectives are separate from
8 Cleruchy: Xen. Hell, 4.8.15; Perioikic: Paus 9.2.13; Hasen, p. 35. 9 Hansen, p. 34- 35, for example “Even Pericles (Thuc 1.144.2) and Diodotos (Thuc. 3.46.5) admit [Athenian imperialism is incompatible with autonomia]”. 10 Thuc. 1.144.2; Xen. Hell . 5.1.31. 11 G.E.M de Ste Croix ‘The Character of the Athenian Empire’, Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte , 3.1 (1954), 1-40, (p. 3). 12 Thuc. 5.18.2.
15
autonomia , and that it indicates a version of autonomia that existed without tribute or
without affect the administration of justice, and instead argues they are simply
explanatory. 13 This is further complicated in the inscription clause considering autonomia in
the Charter of the Second Athenian Confederacy “ if [anyone]… wishes to be an ally of the
Athenians and the allies, it shall be permitted to him, being free and autonomous, living
under the constitution which he wishes, neither receiving a garrison or a governor nor
paying tribute”. 14 As Hansen argues, Ostwald’s previous analysis would imply that a version
of autonomia existed where an “allied polis did not have its own constitution but was
garrisoned under the command of foreign officials and liable to tribute” - this would be
illogical. 15 These two sources provide some clarification as to what autonomia actually
granted a polis . The latter, however, is in the context of the Second Athenian Confederacy
and considering the previous list of incompatibilities, this would suggest that the charter
was essentially an oxymoron. Ultimately, considering the extent of widely agreed
infringements of autonomia seen in sources, it is more realistic to assume that powers such
as Athens and Sparta felt violation was inevitable, advertising specific (or perhaps most
likely to be abided by) components of autonomia in peace treaties and decrees, but
knowing that existing as a ruling state would mean aspects were not met. This should not be
confused with indifference. Complete autonomia , much like Plato’s ideas of the ideal state,
appears to have been an aspirational ideal rather than a common reality.
The idea that autonomia developed into a concept rather than an attainable reality
can be supported by looking in more detail at the peace treaties in Thucydides and
Xenophon, and looking closely at who is defined as independent or autonomous . The Peace
13 Hansen, p. 30. 14 IG ii 2 43.15-25. 15 Hansen, p.31.
16
of Nikias in 421 applies autonomia to Delphi followed by six other named poleis . 16 This is
followed by the Peace between Sparta and Argos in 418 which claims all “cities in the
Peloponnesus should be autonomous” . 17 The King’s Peace then proclaims that all “Greek
cities, both small and great should be left autonomoi”, excluding the cleruchies Lemnos,
Imbros and Scyros, so clearly not every Greek city. 18 In 371, The Common Peace at Athens
reiterates “both small and great cities alike should be independent”. 19 Revised versions of
the King’s Peace slowly omit exceptions and finally, “in later paraphrases of the original
peace in 386”, autonomia is made universal. 20 This only applied to mainland Greece. 21
Obviously, autonomia develops into a concept rather than a right. Clearly, not all poleis
were suddenly autonomous, and Athens’ establishment of the Second Athenian
Confederacy in 377 guarantees as such. The development of the use of autonomia in peace
treaties shows its descent into a propagandic concept, rather than a guaranteed right.
This still leaves some questions as to the importance of autonomia to the smaller
poleis . A state’s own, chosen constitution, controlling taxation and justice systems seem to
appear factors that would be of great consequence, yet autonomia as a concept was
seemingly not an “essential characteristic” of the polis . 22 For example, Hansen emphasises
that the Laconian perioikic communities in Laconia and Messenia were all considered poleis
by all sources, but are specifically labelled not autonomoi by Pausanias. 23 To gain a better
understanding of why this appears to be the case, the classical authors of theory
16 Thuc. 5.18.2. 17 Thuc. 5.79.1. 18 Xen. Hell. 5.1.31. 19 Thuc. 5.79.1.
20 Herman, p. 40. 21 Hansen, p. 40. 22 Hansen, p. 23, p. 37. 23 Hansen, p. 25, Hdt. 7.234.2; Xen. Hell . 6.5.21; Thuc 5.54.1; Paus. 9.13.2.
17
surrounding the polis must be engaged with. Plato does not mention autonomia once in
Republic or Laws . 24 Aristotle mentions the word once but in reference to what he believes
to be the defining or ‘essential’ characteristic of the polis, autarkeia or ‘self - reliance’. 25
Political self- sufficiency is not “subsumed” into autarkeia , Aristotle only emphasises
economic and demographic self-sufficiency. 26 Nixon and Simon argue that Aristotle
recognises that, realistically, a polis could not be entirely self-sufficient as he admits that
“the importation of commodities that they do not happen to have in their own country and
the export of their surplus products are things indispensable” .27 Earlier in the text, Nixon
and Price argue that Aristotle “presupposes” connections between poleis in two of his
examples of employment- commerce and the sea. 28 This is supported by the prevalence of
harbour taxes that show inter-state trade was commonplace. 29 They conclude later,
however, that Aristotle’s theory of economic self -sufficiency should not be confused with
the “economic reality” of a diversity of resources and consequent interconnection between
states Athenian Tribute lists from the time of the Delian League show. 30 This sentiment is
probably unfair. It is too far to suggest that autarkeia could be mistaken for a synonym of
isolation. Not only is Aristotle often practical about the realities of running a polis making
reliance on other states for a multitude of resources inevitable, he also repeatedly highlights
that he is talking about the “best constitution”, a hypothetical. 31 This is an example of
24 Hansen, p. 37. 25 Arist. Pol . 1252b-1253a; Hansen, p. 37. 26 Hansen, p. 37.
27 Lucia Nixon and Simon Price, ‘The Size and Resources of Greek Cities’, in The Greek City. From Homer to Alexander , ed. by Oswyn Murray and Simon Price (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), pp. 137-170, (p. 163); Arist. Pol . 1327a. 28 Nixon and Price, p. 163; Arist. Pol. 1291b. 29 Nixon and Price, p. 166. 30 Nixon and Price, p. 166. 31 Arist. Pol. 1291b, “at present we are studying the best constitution, and this is the constitution under which the state would be most happy” 1328b.
18
another ideal of a hypothetical state rather than a realistic goal for poleis to achieve
perfectly, of which autonomia appears to be. Nevertheless, autarkeia was more accessible
and could be preserved at a higher level than autonomia for smaller states.
This then begs the question of whether it was a particularly negative thing for poleis to
have to sacrifice their autonomy since many small poleis would not have had many aspects
of it to give up in the first place. Nixon and Price’s sentiment regarding the theory of peer
polity interaction does well to highlight that interaction and rivalry between states in a
common Greek culture certainly did exist, but states were not peers. 32 The differences in
size and resources produced a hierarchy with smaller states, with lesser populations and
resources, at the bottom. These states would have to rely on other, more prosperous states,
putting in place barriers to achieving autonomia from the beginning. Hansen claims that
many members of the Delian League seemed to have been content with their status as
hypekooi or submissive poleis , not attempting to seize autonomia even in the last few
chaotic years of the Peloponnesian War, alongside several perioikic communities in
Messenia which seem to have remained loyal even after Leuctra. 33 Elsewhere, Hansen
suggests that phoros could be compatible with autonomia , despite Thucydides saying
otherwise, as long as it was imposed by consent not hegemony. 34 This frame of thinking
must be approached with extreme caution. De Ste Croix echoes Hansen’s sentiment in his
work on revolts against the Athenian Empire. Arguably, he is too comfortable with
suggesting that any revolt was orchestrated by the Few alone, even in instances without
information beyond the name of the revolt, trusting Thucydides’ contradictions of himself
32 Nixon and Price, p. 165. 33 Hansen, p. 24. 34 Hansen, p.31; Thuc. 7.57.3,
19
rather than original statements. 35 Whilst this individually is not too offensive, this idea
combined with de Ste Croix’s suggestion that the ‘introduction’ of democracy should be
considered, as Isocrates suggests, “a sign of good will and friendship” not “Athenian
bullying” in most if not all instances is quite shocking. 36 He argues that “the Many in an
oligarchical state [would be] too delighted to copy the democratic state of Athens” and that
they would be “glad to have an Athenian garrison on hand as they learnt their new
constitution”. 37 Whilst the newly established demos would, certainly, be thrilled by these
developments, de Ste Croix’s dismissal of the Few as instigators in every scenario, and then
erasure of them as citizens, feels uncomfortable in a post-imperial academic setting. This is
the explanation for approaching Hansen’s ideas with caution also. To suggest that most
members of the Athenian empire were content in their hypekooi status is not necessarily
wrong but- particularly for smaller states- this mindset created an illusion of choice that was
not readily available. This is highlighted by the idea of phoros imposed by consent. To say
that the imposition of tribute could be consensual, when the alternative for smaller poleis
was domination by a larger state is again uncomfortable. Negotiation could be considered a
type of consent, but this is not made particularly explicit by Hansen. In the same way,
smaller states of the Delian league likely needed Athenian military protection and could not
risk losing it in favour of the possibility of achieving autonomia when the alternative was
Persian dominance. This follows through to the Second Athenian Confederation, where
even in the fallout of Leuctra and the rise of Thebes, states remained loyal and continued to
pay syntaxeis rather than risk being overrun by pirates. 38 Additionally, Cawkwell highlights
35 De Ste Croix, p. 6. 36 De Ste Croix, p. 39. 37 De Ste Croix, p. 39. 38 G.L Cawkwell, ‘Notes on the Failure of the Second Athenian Confederacy’, Journal of Hellenistic Studies , 101 (1981), 40-55, (pp. 47-48).
20
only states who could access Theban help would dare abandon the league, again
emphasising how smaller states were given the illusion of choice with only one viable
answer. 39 This, more than anything, stresses how small states certainly did have to give up
autonomy to survive. However, the small likelihood of having much to give up to begin with
means it is perhaps not as high stakes a decision as the statement suggests.
There is one final option to explore for smaller poleis and preservation of their
autonomia and that is the concept of neutrality. There is no single word for neutrality in
Ancient Greek. 40 Thucydides uses various specific and non specific phrases that all
fundamentally suggest neutrality. 41 Bauslaugh points out that acceptance was often
inconsistent as competitive spirit was central to Greek culture, as Nixon and Price
highlighted in relation to peer polity interaction. 42 He goes on to emphasise that interstate
agreements were focussed on security and that neutral states, in their refusal to commit
themselves, left an “unresolved question of commitment” and “denied the predictability of
supportive involvement”, which threa tened other states deeply. 43 It is tempting to suggest
neutrality was a chance for small poleis to reclaim some degree of autonomia when
considering states could set their own laws or restriction regarding belligerents’ activity in
their territory. 44 However, when looking at the fate of one of the most famous practitioners
of neutrality in the classical period, the small state of Melos disproves this. Although non-
belligerents are not often of interest in ancient sources, the neutral policy of Melos has
39 Cawkwell, p. 47. 40 Robert A. Bauslaugh, The Concept of Neutrality in Classical Greece (Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), p. xx. 41 Bauslaugh, p. xx 42 Bauslaugh, p. 75. 43 Bauslaugh, p. 75. 44 Bauslaugh, p. 73, examples include no passing through neutral territory, no belligerents in city walls etc.
21
survived. 45 However, this is because the Melians perhaps best represent how smaller states
were vulnerable to violation of their neutrality, especially in the face of powerful
belligerents whose interstate policy did not align with the neutral party. 46 The neutrality of
Melos is first noted in the Thirty Years Peace, which seems to formally recognise the Melian
and Theran position of neutrality during the First Peloponnesian War, stating “if any Hellenic
state is allied with neither side, it is permitte d to enter whichever alliance it pleases”,
seemingly acknowledging the rights of neutral states. 47 Unfortunately, this respect would
not last. In 426, the Athenians sent sixty ships and 2000 hoplites to Melos to try to force
them into the Delian League after successfully recruiting Thera but, despite ravaging the
island, failed. 48 As a result, Melos tribute was assigned at an unreasonable 15 talents,
despite having never been a tributary. 49 Athens returned with forces from the League in
416, allegedly due to Melos sending money to the Spartans, and starved the state into
unconditional surrender. 1 Bauslaugh argues that Athen’s attack was, like making the
state a tributary, a desperate attempt to score funds out of Melos. 2 De Ste Croix is
determined to suggest that Athens, particularly regarding Melos, was not exceptionally
more cruel than other ruling states. 3 If this is to be believed, despite neutrality being a policy
which allows a state a chance to regain some control, it would not be unreasonable to
suggest the possible consequences exemplified in Melos simply outweighed the benefits for
most small city st ates and that Athens’ behaviour simply shows how easy it was for
45 Bauslaugh, p. xxi. 46 Bauslaugh, p. 74.
47 Bauslaugh, p. 102, Thuc. 1.35.2. 48 Thuc. 3.91.1-3; Bauslaugh, p. 114. 49 Bauslaugh, p. 116. 1 Thuc. 5.84.1, 5.116.; de Ste Croix, p. 13.
2 Bauslaugh, p. 116. 3 De Ste Croix, p. 14.
22
hegemonic powers to violate and crush autonomia . Neutrality was still a viable policy after
Melos and became just as common as any other option, but the Athenian’s
disproportionate reaction only exemplified how the neutrality of these states was not
respected in the same way as the “unconditional inviolability accorded to sanctuaries”,
which was also broken by larger states on occasion anyway. 4 Although neutrality could be
seen as a feasible way for small Greek states to retain some form of autonomia, it was
certainly dependent on the hegemonic powers of the time benefitting from it. Once that
stopped, states faced joining their side or destruction.
Overall, it is undeniable that small Greek states did have to give up autonomia in order
to survive. This essay argues, however, that small poleis likely did not have autonomia to
begin with as the concept operated, much like autarkeia , as an aspirational target, not an
essential characteristic of the polis . By the mid 4th century, autonomia had become a
political tool rather than an achievable right for smaller Greek poleis . Moreover, at the end
of the Second Athenian Confederacy, it can be suggested that the states left behind by
those able to defect to Thebes had lost a claim to autarkeia , yet alone autonomia .
Neutrality can be explored as a theoretical way for smaller states to regain some
independence, but the fate of Melos exemplifies that to not give in to a hegemonic power
easily ended in destruction.
4 Bauslaugh, p. 81.
23
Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Page 4 Page 5 Page 6 Page 7 Page 8 Page 9 Page 10 Page 11 Page 12 Page 13 Page 14 Page 15 Page 16 Page 17 Page 18 Page 19 Page 20 Page 21 Page 22 Page 23 Page 24 Page 25 Page 26 Page 27 Page 28 Page 29 Page 30 Page 31 Page 32 Page 33 Page 34 Page 35 Page 36 Page 37 Page 38 Page 39 Page 40 Page 41 Page 42 Page 43 Page 44 Page 45 Page 46 Page 47 Page 48 Page 49 Page 50 Page 51 Page 52 Page 53 Page 54 Page 55 Page 56 Page 57 Page 58 Page 59 Page 60 Page 61 Page 62 Page 63 Page 64 Page 65 Page 66 Page 67 Page 68Made with FlippingBook HTML5