autonomia , and that it indicates a version of autonomia that existed without tribute or
without affect the administration of justice, and instead argues they are simply
explanatory. 13 This is further complicated in the inscription clause considering autonomia in
the Charter of the Second Athenian Confederacy “ if [anyone]… wishes to be an ally of the
Athenians and the allies, it shall be permitted to him, being free and autonomous, living
under the constitution which he wishes, neither receiving a garrison or a governor nor
paying tribute”. 14 As Hansen argues, Ostwald’s previous analysis would imply that a version
of autonomia existed where an “allied polis did not have its own constitution but was
garrisoned under the command of foreign officials and liable to tribute” - this would be
illogical. 15 These two sources provide some clarification as to what autonomia actually
granted a polis . The latter, however, is in the context of the Second Athenian Confederacy
and considering the previous list of incompatibilities, this would suggest that the charter
was essentially an oxymoron. Ultimately, considering the extent of widely agreed
infringements of autonomia seen in sources, it is more realistic to assume that powers such
as Athens and Sparta felt violation was inevitable, advertising specific (or perhaps most
likely to be abided by) components of autonomia in peace treaties and decrees, but
knowing that existing as a ruling state would mean aspects were not met. This should not be
confused with indifference. Complete autonomia , much like Plato’s ideas of the ideal state,
appears to have been an aspirational ideal rather than a common reality.
The idea that autonomia developed into a concept rather than an attainable reality
can be supported by looking in more detail at the peace treaties in Thucydides and
Xenophon, and looking closely at who is defined as independent or autonomous . The Peace
13 Hansen, p. 30. 14 IG ii 2 43.15-25. 15 Hansen, p.31.
16
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