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T H E K I N G ’ S B U S I N E S S
November, 1939
Views and Reviews of Current News By DAN GILBERT Washington, D. C , and San Diego, California
Nazis succeed in bringing the British Empire to its knees, Stalin will be on hand to collect his share of the loot. On the other hand, if Hitler falls into a losing position, Stalin will be free to “sell out” his “comrade.” There can be no question but that Stalin will be tray Hitler, if it is to his own advan tage. If the war goes decisively against the Nazis, Stalin may step in on the side of the democracies—and pose as the hero of the encounter. No matter which side wins, Stalin will have an important voice in the peace conference—possibly the control ling voice. If Stalin enters the war, he will be certain to enter on the winning side. And it is a foregone conclusion that he will not enter the conflict until the victor is clearly indicated. . PEACE—FOR THE PRESENT: Cap itol observers are agreed that, regard less of what type of “neutrality” pre vails, America will remain at peace— for the present! That is, until after the 1940 Presidential election. The eyes of the leaders of both parties are now fixed on 1940, and no proponent of war would dare to declare himself—now. For either party to favor war now, would almost certainly give the elec tion to the opposition. Those members of Congress who may favor war will not let it be known until after 1940. The year 1940 may repeat 1916. In 1916, the winning Presidential candidate secured his election on the platform of keeping us out of war. Both parties will have an anti-war plank in their platforms in 1940. But after the elec tion is over—? Will 1941 be a repeti tion of 1917? No one knows—for sure. But after the election is safely over, pressure for our entrance into the war will be much stronger. Men in public life who are now silent will then feel free to speak. The course of the war itself will pow erfully influence our possible participa tion. If the Allies seem to be losing, pressure for our rushing to their aid will naturally be increased. If Soviet Russia should enter the struggle on the side of Germany, that, too, would’ increase war sentiment. Whatever the politicians may think privately, it is obvious that the people as a whole are strongly against war. But this stand alone is not proof against it. The same anti-war sentiment pre vailed in 1914—and m 1916. Insurance against war, in the last analysis, de pends upon the ability of the people to resist propaganda. Their resistance was low in 1916. It should be higher now. THIRD TERM BOOM ADVANCES: At the very time that the Capitol is of ficially committed to “an adjournment of politics during the war crisis,” un dercover efforts are under way to ad vance the third term boom. Already, f Continued on Page 4441
STALIN COMES OCT ON TOP: In eighteen days, Poland proper was sub dued. Nazi Germany did the fighting, but Soviet Russia took a lion’s share of the spoils. It is now clear that Hitler is completely dependent upon Stalin. He cannot gain victories or maintain prestige without Communist connivance. And the price, the “pay-off” for Bol shevik acquiescence in Nazi aggression, is a tremendous one—and due to go higher. Only utter desperation could drive Hitler to Stalin in the beginning. The Nazi-Soviet pact was Hitler’s only es
cape from the dreaded “encirclement” achieved by the dembcracies. Soviet Russia can now sit on the sidelines and watch—while the other nations tear themselves to pieces. Communism al ways feeds on chaos, as vultures do on carrion. Stalin will be on hand, when the destruction is complete, to take over the wreckage of ruined world empires. Stalin is not bound to give “military assistance” to Hitler. He is free to act as expediency dictates. In the Pol ish situation, he waited until Hitler had won a costly war; then he stepped in to “take over” his promised share. If the
Cartoon by Bruca Bussell. Courtesy, The L oi Angeles Times,
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