I 3 - 26 OCTOBER I 971




Michael Flanigan

An American Artist

strait VOL. 1 NO. 2 13 - 26 OCTOBER 1971 ANDREW ELSTON Editor SUSAN PIOTROWSKI Co-ordinating Editor SCOTT ISAKSEN Business Manager BEVERLEY CONRAD News Editor LARRY FRITZ Feature Editor CAROL EDMONDSON Arts Editor


The Owl's Corner Mind's Eye The Amchitka Crisis News The Draft: Extended

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You Call Yourself An American Poet an interview with Michael Flanigan Photo Essay - Boston Commons Beard Beer Moon - an interview with

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Allen Ginsburg Interlude: Game The Real World Circum locum

NANCY DICK Graphics Editor SANDRA SAMBORSKI Advertising/Design Co-ordinator HEDDA GORDON Copy & Proofs

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STAFF: S t even Baskin, Michael Brookman, Frank Castillo, Eric Chaffee, Barry Cohen, Joy Cummings, Bob Frank, Helene Heit, George Howell, Wendy Hughes, Leslie Johnson, Richard Manning, JoAnn Pizzo, John Ryan, Michael Sajecki, Christopher Sajecki, Thomas Fontana, Charles Fontana, Gretchen Siebert, Gloria Simon, Mary Sullivan, Steven Waldman, Ann Schillen- ger, James Pastrick, Bill Seward, Nancy Doherty. STRAIT magazine is published twice-monthly by the students of the New York Slate University College at Buffalo, 1300 Elmwood Avenue, Buffalo. New Yor, 14222. Office in the SUCB Student Union , room 401 ; telephone (716/ 86 2 - 53 26, ~62 - 5327. Publishing and opera ling funds allocated through the Publications Board at SUCB under the auspices of the United Students ' Government, SUCB and advertising income. STRA/7' is distributed free to all members of the SUCB community and to students at other selected campuses on the Niagara Frontier. Price per copy for all others : 35 cents; $4 . 50 per year (14 issues) . For advertisi11g rates contact Business Manager at 862-5326. Circulation : 7,000. Unsolicited manuscripts will be considered for publication by the respective editors, but STRAIT will not be responsible for their return. Person.< not associated with SUCB will not be discriminated against in terms of publishing manuscripts or photography. Letters to the editor should be designated as such and must be received at least five full days prior to the release of each magazine. Letters and short articles for the Forum must be received six full days prior to the release of each magazine. Editorial policy determined by the Editorial Board. STRAIT is temporarily serviced by Earth News (EN), Dispatch News Service International (DNSI), Alternate Fea- tures Service (AFS) and subscribes to College Press Service (CPS). Copyright 1971; all rights reserved: no portion of this magazine, its pic- toral or verbal content, may be reproduced in any manner without the express consent of the editor-in-chief. Prlnte.d In the United State, of America by RecordPre,a.

In This Issue For this issue we feature three men from the world of literature. The first is Michael Flanigan, who appears on our cover. Michael was interviewed by Carol Edmondson, Arts Editor, Andrew Elston, Editor and George Howell, columnist. His replies to questions on the stature and role of the artist in contemporary America, as well as his personal views on his craft bring first-hand experience to the argument in favor of establishing the office of Artist-In-Residence. The second artist, Allen Ginsburg reveals much about himself and his lifestyle and his future plans in an interview conducted by Alternate Features. The third, Peter Yates - a well known critic - contributes an article on criticism. Other specials include an analysis of the new draft legislation, a photo essay by Barry Cohen on the Boston Commons and a first-hand report on the recent Spiro Agnew visit. We hope you will find this issue both enlightening and entertaining. If you don't, let us know - try a letter to the editor or a short thing to Interchange.

PHOTO CREDITS: Cover photo: Jim Taylor; photo essay: Barry Cohen; pp.12, 13 - Barry Cohen; pp.21, 24 - Nancy Dick; p. 22 - Mary Sullivan; p.27 - Mike Markowitz; p. 18 arma Patrol.


Although Michael Flanigan is no longer an official staff member of this college, he has main- tained his former role by conducting readings and other activities, advising students and visiting class- rooms. But Michael will be leaving Buffalo soon. What the campus must now do is not neces- sarily find another Michael Flanigan (it would not be easy) or even another Poet-In-Residence. But per- haps a conductor, painter, dramatist or novelist to keep this campus culturally on its feet. And not for just a few months , or a few years. But permanently. It can easily be done. But the administration will not do it. They can't and they won't. So a group of concerned students have formed a committee called "Students for Artist-In-Residence" and are investigating methods and means of insti- tuting such a position. According to the committee, the position, or office, would be known as Artist-In-Residence and would operate on a revolving term basis so that over a period of years there would be a poet, a musician, a dramatist, a conductor - or whatever else might be deemed worthwhile . The salary for such a position would have to be about $8,000 per year, and could easily be funded by the students through the activity tax. The committee is currently exploring a method by which several boards would each contribute to an annual fund to provide for the salary of this person. The boards involved would each have a representative on the committee which would deter- mine who would be hired and what the responsi- bilities of that person would be for that respective year. The plan is a good one, one that students, faculty and the community could not possibly oppose. If the committee succeeds in bringing to our campus people of the various arts, we cannot help but benefit greatly. If the theatre arts, visual and plastic arts can be reborn on our campus as the literary arts have been over the past two years, we will find ourselves in the midst of another kind of development and expansion. . . one that perhaps cannot be measured, but which can be felt.

Artist-In-Residence '

Buffalo State is a rapidly growing institution . As our administrators and public relations pitches point out, we are growing away from a liberal arts teacher's college toward an Urban College where degrees in all manner of things from Computer Science to Industrial Technology to Criminal Justice benefit the parallel growth of our society into ever- more technical and specialized fields . Such expansion is inevitable, and indeed good. But such expansion must not continue without a proper balance from other , more sensitive and humanistic fields. And on our campus , as in the American society , this technical/industrial expansion is continuing without proper balance . For years, the Federal government has been assisting industry and business both financially and spiritually . Yet the same government does little to ease the wallet or the consciousness of the artist . On our campus, expansion and improvement are measured in books and bricks, graduates and grades. Aside from discarded pieces of architecture and borrowed sculpture, little is being done to to uplift our cultural and artistic development, appreciation and participation. About two years ago, a young and terribly am- bitious poet threw himself on our campus, determined that he would rectify this imbalance. After a few month's struggle, he was appointed "Poet-In-Residence" and paid a meager wage. After his first six months he was rehired for a year. After eighteen month's time, during which he influenced an taught hundreds of students, he was released. The administration - finding itself in a financial binc! - discarded the poet first; artists are luxury items. Michael Flanigan, the first Poet-In-Residence State has had, was the cause of an instant literary awakening on our campus. The innumerable poetry readings of the past two years, the rapid expansion of Elm Leaves bear this out .



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Interchange "At Attica the Prisoners Rose and in Their Blood Died Free." That's really poetic, but there's no freedom in a mad scramble of men and flurry of rifle fire . This article centered around a "mass" meeting of demonstrators "numbering into the thousands" that gathered in Albany to protest the slayings of inmates at Attica. Give people the truth I The "thousands" were fifteen hundred. Figur- ing that two hundred of them were speakers and organizers, that's quite a turn-out considering that every campus in New York planned to send bus loads. The lessons the National Guard taught at Kent State were learned well. Every country has a level of acceptable dissent. Russia and China are low on the scale, with Sweeden as a high point. The United States is somewhere in the upper middle. Our level was reached in 1970 at an Ohio university and people died.

first gush of blood shed. That tremendous group of mediocres who will jump to any cause will disappear. What these movements need are dedicated individuals that will grasp an idea and hold it, for . sa img all others , until carried to completion. This dedication must be so intense that it can overcome the attempts of an immense conservative majority to quell leftist movements. A revolutionary stone thrown into a conservative pool makes no splash , and barely more than a ripple. If it comes, be ready. Be ready for more blood than Kent State , more blood than Attica, more blood that Mai Lai. If one of ten "revolutionists" come through it alive, it would be a high estimate. It will be more than the police and National Guard you 're fighting . It would be street to street and farm to farm . God is on the side of the most guns. William J. Brown

The inmates at Attica knew the penal system they were up against, and they knew the brutality with which it struck back. I agree with 29 of the inmates' demands but f cannot feel sorrow or guilt. The prisoners played the game by the rules, violence and death, and they Jost. The innocent, of course, should be mourned. College students in this nation must lose their idealism for realism. It's easy to talk of the "revolution" when it's coming and how great it will be afterward. May I quote one Stephen Stills: "and we can't do it with smiles on our faces, and we can't do it with Jove in our hearts and with children that ain't got no right to do it at all." The "revolution" would be a nunute group of disorganized terrorists momen- tarily disrupting the cities. Most revol- utionists would abandon the cause at the


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~CU-Eli .w'Ho'S:- _--C. Qffl N &· -To O!Wiiif£~ s..e,R.o AGNEW

November 6 is the date set by the antiwar movement for "massive legal and peaceful" demonstrations in New York City and in 15 other major cities to de- mand immediate withdrawal of U.S. military forces from S.E. Asia." "The wage freeze combined with the Pentagon Papers and the recent Saigon Election scandal can make the fall of- fensive the biggest ever. November 6 can see many demonstrations like the giant April 24th marches," predicted Jerry Gordon , coordinator of the National Peace Action Coalition. "With the strong reaction against the freeze we can forge a real unity between the students and other sections of the population in the fight to end the war ," Gordon said. Labor leaders are becoming more vocal in their dislikes of Nixon's foreign policies. In an "Open Letter" over 160 trade union leaders from around the country attacked the freeze and urged working people to demonstrate · against the war this fall. The other demonstrations have been planned for the week of 25-29 October in Washington, D.C. by the People's Coali- tion for Peace and Justice. Workshop's and rallys in the nation's capitol climax- ing in a day of massive civil disobedience at the Executive Mansion on 29 October will signal the first phase of a campaign to evict President Nixon from all positions of authority in the United States. Movement strategies to be developed in the coming election year offensive, in elude planning sessions on how the move- ment for peace and justice should relate to the 1972 state and national elections, and tactics, vision, and workshops for regional actions. Education, and possible forms of electorial resistance will be discussed as well as a move toward greater regional and national participation and coordin- ation.

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The Owl's Corner FREEDOM AND ORDER Everyone has a pet definition for freedom; mine is very simple : Freedom is the ability to make choices , carry these choices into action and, finally the power to achieve the desired objectives which were chosen and acted upon . The noted philosopher Mortimer Adler , in con- junction with 25 other scholars has compiled about 1500 pages of concepts of freedom and it would be tempting indeed to follow the difficult, nea, tor- tuous path and ramifications therein presented. Philosophers and theologians of the East and West have for many centuries discussed the idea of free- dom. Every reader of a newspaper, every viewer of a television show today uses the concept of freedom in the way that seems most appropriate to him . The plain fact is that one might go so far as to say that the relationship of freedom and order is the root problem of the twentieth century. How much freedom must society give the indiv- idual in order to permit full creative use of his powers and how much order must society impose in to prevent outbursts of licentiousness? How much, on the other hand, must the individual infuse into society to enable it to organize the life of the community to prevent society form strangling its composite groups? It is simple enough to classify freedom into religious, artistic, economic or political and to decry abrogations of freedom in one or several of these MIND'S EYE JAN NUZZO HEROES AND FOOLS The notion of "folk hero" is one that has been notably popular over the ages and which has offered to society an individual who ultimately becomes widely accepted and respected. This phenomenon of what might be termed the hero cult concerns itself with creating a dream around someone who in fact may be incorrectly known or largely misunderstood by many people. When we respond in any way to a person it is inevitable that many factors may have affected' such responses. Heroes may be admired as a result of self-projection or envy while fools may be scorned in frustration or retaliation for our own foolish moments. 6


fields by a society 0r an individual. But freedom is indivisible and inseperable from the idea of man . Man the social animal must be free or he does not exist. Freedom is the essence of man and his exist· ence precedes essence. Every abrogation , every denial of any freedom is at the same time an invitation to lay down the burden of responsibility and to deny engagement and commitment . It is an invitation to alienation . It is an invitation to what the illustrious French sociologist Emile Durkheim called anomie -briefly translated: normlessness. Or as Lamborde in his Archeion, (1635) wrote:" . ..that we ·are set to anomy and to bring disordered doubt and uncertainty over all." Many years ago, Erich Fromm in his famous book: Escape From Freedom invoked Pico della Mirandola 's Oration of Human Dignity, (written at the time of the disocvery of America); "Neither heavenly nor earthly, neither mortal nor immortal have we created thee, so that thou mightest be free according to thy own will and honor, to be thy own creator and builder. To thee alone we gave growth and development depending on thy own free will. Thou hearest the gems of an universal life." And thus it is today, no matter how Professor Skinner's rats behave. " Th e Ow1's Comer" will be a regularly appearing column in STRAIT. The author, Dr. Joseph Bunzel, is a member of the sociology faculty. The confusion occurs, not so much with the hero as it does with the fool. While neither may be correctly defined, at least heroes usually generate enough interest to perpetuate idolization. Fools, however, often find themselves crudely belittled, ::,ften forgotten, and more often misunderstood. I suppose the reason I have chosen heroes and fools as a point of discussion is because I cannot ignore that facet of the American dream which in- sists that everyone needs something or someone to believe in. Whether or not this is a valid proposition may never be accurately determined, but if we are not willing to accept heroes as necessities, we can at least examine them as an enduring aspect in human culture. Looking back, it seems that no era has found itself without men and women of hero status. There have always been tales of mortals who seemed able to transcend this human handicap; stories of Odysseus who struggled through years of wandering,

• JAN NUZZO Joan of Arc, who bravely led her country into battle, and the early European immigrants who drove the real Americans from their homes . There is no question about it--whether you perceive a man as a hero or as a fool largely depends upon which side you are on. Maybe now it will be possible to digress fur - ther on the o_riginal definition of a hero. Perhaps this widely accepted and respected individual became so because his thoughts and actions reflect what his admirers wish they themselves could do . It may just be a matter of envy which makes certain human beings the objects of our adoration while others go unnoticed or rejected . At this point, it may be well to note that those things which seem to be opposites, frequently are very similar . And so, to understand the hero a little better, it may be well to understand the fool. We all have known people, at one time or an- other, whom we have regarded as fools. Often this is because we find them impossible to deal with on the level we desire. But I think that anyone I have ever known whom I have labeled fool has possessed qualities far beyond the base concessions I have offered him or her. Bertrand Russell describes a fool as one who is primitive , simple, and massive, and perhaps these characteristics are the most difficult ones to handle. Perhaps we treat those whom we . call fools with disdain because, unlike a hero who needs us to be a hero, a fool needs no one. He is biologically autonomous, in that he does not seek our approval, he remains open to mockery. The fool doesn't care if you worship him, and every time you meet him, he gives you a chance to attack, to take advantage, to look good in comparison. Webster defines a fool as one who is lacking in judgment or prudence. This very definition is, to us, a challenge, because it asks us to decide exactly what our values are. In order to determine if a man is courageous or imprudent, we must first analyze our own scale of principles and attitudes. When we consider a man or woman to have performed a courageous act, we must either agree with that ac:t, or at least respect the integrity of the motive. If, on

the other hand, we regard someone as foolish , we, in fact claim, that his actions are not agreeable with our own convictions, and further, that these actions lack respectibility in our eyes. Treatment of a person as a hero or a fool may indeed be of casual consequence. But on a larger scale, heroism or foolishness may have far reaching effects. There have always been men who seemed, at the time , to have all of the answers. Adolf Hitler was able to convince a relatively small amount of people that he was performing courageous acts for the betterment of the master race . And again, our own values are responsible for our judgment of Hitler. If we regard him as a hero, then we sym- pathize or respect his beliefs. But we must surrender the basic value of respect for all human life in order to do this . If, however , we treat him as a fool, then we dismiss his lack of honor as a reflection of our own moral code . Beyond specific morals, I think there remain some very general characteristics of both heroes and fools . For in each case, our reasoning may be mis- guided and we may accept or reject a person through blindness rather than conviction. While our conceptions of certain people remain largely subjec- tive , there may remain a possibility of defining heroes and fools. At this poin_t, . the only abatement of differences I can offer between the two are these: a fool is a person who consciously or unconsciously conducts his life with reckless aban- don . He has a massive predilection to midjedge and to be eventually hurt and scorned. A hero, in con- trast, is someone who enters your mind quietly, with great consideration and respect; who is strong, but not violent; who will lay himself, and not others, on the line for his beliefs. I suspect that we will always stand in judgment of others whether this is our right or not, but if we must submit to this, we can at least be aware that in placing judgments over others, we, in fact, judge ourselves. If we can come away without illusions or grandure for our heroes and bitterness for our fools, we can at least come to know and understand a little better the nature of our selves.


A group of 12 Canadian pacifists on board the Greenpeace, a reconverted fishing trawler, plan to sail into the test area to prevent the explosion. The U.S. Coast Guard has set a three mile security zone around Amchitka and will seize any ship that intrudes this space. According to Dispatch News Service , Former AEC Public Information Officer Dixon Stewart commented, " I've never known the AEC to detonate a device that conceivably create a hazard to people or property ." The absurdity of Stewart's comment is that while the U.S. will protect 12 men from being affected by the Amchitka blast their basic intention is to study the possible military usefulness of a bomb 250 times the capacity of the bomb drop- ped on Hiroshima. Quick figuring shows that if 75,000 people died at Hiroshima, Cannikan has the capabilities of killing over 18,000,000 people . The combined populations of New England and New York is less than 18 million people. The thought of that many people being killed by one weapon seems impossible yet if the Amchitka test is allowed to take place, that may become inevitable. Even for those who do not believe in disarma - ment it should be obvious that testing Cannikan will be detrimental for all people . Environmentalists who are con- cerned with wildlife in the Bering Strait should see that potential. earthquakes A tidal waves, and atmosphenc contamm- . ation are a threat to everyone. In the interest of " national security," vital in- formation about Cannikan is not being released that will affect the people of this nation and others. What we can do is circulate and sign petitions to be sent to President Nixon , N.Y. Senators Javits and Buckley , and others, that express our concern over the immediate environmental and long ranged political effects of this test . We cannot help feel sceptical about the government listening to any petitions but something should be done to let Washington know our feelings . A table will be set up in the Union with a petition, and others will be cir- culating the next few days. Please take advantage of this highly legal, democratic means of protest. A few thousand sig- natures on these petitions will hopefully show the government that the Cannikan test is not wanted.

which sJ-.ould delay the test until a de- cision can be made concerning the charges against the AEC. President Nixon has asked the seven governmental agencies for their recom- mendations on whether the test should take place but has also established "exe- cutive privilege" which means that the agencies cannot release any information pertaining to their recommendations. However, according to an editorial in the New York Times (2 Aug.,71), the State Department and the Environmental Pro- tection Agency , alone with three other agencies, have stated their opposition to the test . On the other hand , both the AEC and the Defense Department have favored it. Because the Cannikan test is so critical to the Safeguard ABM project (especially since 165 million dollars has been spent so far), the AEC is pushing for the test. Cannikan is the prototype of the warhead designed for use on the Spartan ground to air missile. It is intended to set up a shield of x-ray particles in the at- mosphere that will incapacitate incoming Chinese ICBMs (or whoever else is attack- ing us.)The Amchitka test will determine if the Cannikan will produce the necessary amount of x-ray particles. Safe- guard critics, however, say that the system will not work because incoming decoy missles can deceive it and that will blank out U.S. radar systems. More im- portantly , it will create a situation of x-ray contamination directly over the U.S. Since the Safeguard project was designed as a defense from Chinese mis- siles, the warming relations between the U.S. and China might affect the desira- bility of the test. Also , the U.S . is taking part in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) which are meeting to discuss the present anti-ballistic missile race. Credibility at the talks is also in question here. In the Senate , Hawaiian and Alaskan senators hav~ unsuccessfully tried to get the test postponed till May '72. Alaskan Senator Mike Gravel has engaged in a run- ning battle with the Environmental Pro- tections Agency over a letter it was suppose to issue him concerning its recommendation . The letter was never released. Gravel, in disgust, has called this lack of information another example of "governmental secrecy that permeates the Nixon Administration ."

The Amchitka Crisis •GEORGE HOWELL

Americans who are concerned about environmental mishandling and the insane anti-ballistic missile race have a chance to express themselves about both in the form of the upcoming Cannikan test set for Amchitka Island in the Aleutians. The Atomic Energy Commission plans to detonate a five megaton hydrogen bomb as an efficiency test of the war- head designed for the Spartan missile, part of the Safeguard ABM system. The AEC has already tested two nuclear weapons on Amchitka, the second in '69 being a 1.5 megaton device. The AEC feels that because they can find no en- vironmental damage from the last test, they can move on to bigger and better things now. Actually there is a good chance that there may be real difficulties this time, and they may not all be environmental. Amchitka, which is part of the Aleutian National Wildlife Refuge , has nesting places for bald eagles, offshore kelp beds containing large concentrations of sea otters, and salmon from Canada and the United States. All of these could be af- fected . Amchitka is located on a highly active seismic area of the Pacific peri- meter. There is a very good possibility that the Cannikan explosion could release pent-up pressure in the earth's crust, causing quakes and tidal waves along the Pacific coastline of Alaska, Canada, and the U.S . The AEC feels that because there were no killer tidal waves in '69 there won 't be any now. Equally possible , radioactive materials deposited from the blast in a 6000 foot shaft under the island could seep into the Bering Strait and contam- inate the surrounding areas. Amchitka is located 1500 miles from Canada, Japan, and Anchorage, and 800 miles from the Soviet Union. The Japanese government has already asked that the test be cancel- led. An Appeals Court last reversed the decision of U.S. District Court in Washington , D.C. , which had turned down a suit against the AEC for violating the 1969 National Environmental Policy Act by not preparing an adequate study of the effects on the environment as a result of the test. The suit was filed by a coalition of environmental groups lead by the Committee for Nuclear Respon- sibility. The Appeals Court decision called for a full hearing on the issue,

Petition We , the undersigned , wish to express our concern over the Cannikan t!~st to be held on Amchitka Island. We feel that the risks of irrepairable harm to the environment caused by contamination of the air and sea with radioactive material_s, the ri~ks of earthquakes - and tidal waves throughout the Pacific, and risks of increasmg the mternatlonal arms WI' race greatly outweigh all considerations for testing this five megaton warhead. We ask that this test and others of a similar nature be cancelled.



Colleges and universities through tout the U.S . are learning their economic lesson the hard way. Due to an increase in budget slashing legislation , student demands for more services, and faculty fights for better salaries, many institutions have been forced to continually raise tuitions . The U.S. Office of Education predicts a rise in enrollment this year of a mere 2.5 per cent, a sharp decrease when compared to the enrollment of previous years. A large number of students are leaving the private schools in order to attend the less-expensive state schools. The State University of New York system showed unparalleled gains as applications to their schools increased by 15 per cent. President Nixon's wage-price freeze gave some colleges and universities added income by allowing them to raise their tuition . However , the students suffer as they pay higher prices with less money. As the prices rise, more students are competing for a dwindling supply of federally subsidized loans and fewer work study positions. FEDS CONTINUE REFORM EFFORTS While the recent riot at Attica State Prison and subsequent deaths of 42 inmates and guards has focused public attention on "correctional institutes, " the federal government increased its attack on the "prison reform problem" back in 1969. The increase in money available for improving the physical facilities and moderizing rehabilitation programs illustrates how fast the government has moved. In 1969 three million dollars were appropriated; in 1971 the amount rose to 175 million; a rise of 125 million is estimated for 1973. The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration has enouraged citizen support for new efforts to upgrade correctional programs. "None of our vocational educational programs, our work-release efforts, our halfway houses, or our proba- tion systems will succeed if the community is unwilling to extend a new opportunity," President Nixon said in his 1969 order to Attorney General John Mitchell. "If we turn our back on the ex-convict, then we should not Someplace within the realms of revolution , demonstration, and good old American protest there exists a Subversive Activities Control Board . Someplace within the Subversive Activities Control Board there exists a list. The list stands as one social register that is not difficult at all to be placed upon . Any person recorded as taking part in a civil rights protest or anti-war demonstration; had a picture taken while marching on the capitol; signed a "Free Our Soledad Brothers" or "Free Huey Newton" petition; or perchance, just wrote a letter to the editor suggesting that perhaps J. Edgar Hoover is senile, is more than likely known to the Subversive Activities Control Board and is on their list . The penalties for being a part of a register such as this are tough: It is doubtful that anyone having the same name as one on the list will be able to get a government job. It is also probable that day to day discrimination will show up in the form of higher interest rates on bank loans, higher insurance premiums, and even trouble in finding employment because the list , along with its other qulaities, is transferable and may be lent out to favored employers. In the words of Senator Sam Ervin, "What company dares to give a job to a person the government says is a traitor? " ACLU DEFENDS RIGHT-WINGER The American Civil Liberties Union, known for its defense of left-wing civil liberty cases, has stepped to the right in order to defend a member of the Ku Klux Klan in Charlotte, North Carolina. Harold Murray, recently elected to Grand Dragon position in the Klan, was fired by the city of Charlotte last June because of his political views . Murray, a Korean war veteran who lost both his legs in battle, was hired by the city of Charlotte , in June under a special program for the handicapped, and became a radio dispatcher for the department. When the city learned of his KKK connection he was quickly removed from the job. ACLU attorney George Daly said that he has lost three federal court hearings over the matter, but projected that the next suit would win Murray's job back, along with back pay. According to Daly, it is rare that the ACLU would defend a ring-wing conservative because it is rare that right-wing conservatives need to be defended for their political views. He stated, however, that the ACLU is committed to the defense of the civil rights of all people - right, left, and center. be surprised if he again turns his back on us." SUBVERSIVE ACTIVISTS' CONTROL LIST



BY JIM PASTRICK In a move which pleased President Nixon and the Pentagon , the United States Senate gave approval to a modified draft bill which extends the draft for two years through 1 July , 1973. The vote was 58-30. Only minutes before the Senate 's un-

The Senate, feeling the effects of a turnabout in public opinion concerning the Vietnam War , was expected to delay any kind of action on the bill for at least one week 's time. The battle for and against was becoming a personal rather than political issue. Southern Senators who once used the filibuster as a means to delay impending civil rights legislation, were the prime catalysts for voting down the draft bill filibuster. Mississippi 's John Stennis, among the Southerners who voted to defeat the filibuster, instructed lobbyists to impress upon all those who stood in the way of the bill; the interests of national security . Lobbyists also re- portedly said the Pentagon would be forced to "call up the reserves" and even go as far as to "induct those who had previously been deferred. " Said Stennis, "It would be a serious mistake to delay this bill because of a disagreement about the war." President Thieu of South Vietnam did little to bolster the confidence of anti-war Senators by announcing his "one candidate elections." Speaking of the South Vietnam elections and the Thieu government in relation to the United States' involvement in the war, New Mexico 's Senator Joseph Montoya, a pro- ponent of the Mansfield Amendment, said : "After an endless .. . commitment, A this is what we have to show for 55,000 W,, dead American boys, more than a quarter million wounded and expenditures of more than 100 billion dollars we could not afford." e

House modified the Mansfield Amend- ment in the original bill which called for a United States troop pullout from Viet- nam within a nine month period. The objectivity of the bill prior to its modifi- cation was replaced by a somewhat sub- jective clause calling for a U.S. troop pull- out depending upon a " sense of Con- gress" at "the earliest practicable date subject to the release of all American pri- soners of war held by the Government of North Vietnam and forces allied with such Government ", presumed to be inter- · preted as the Viet Cong; "and an account- ing for all Americans missing in action who have been held by or known to such Government or such forces." Reportedly, those who drafted the original bill and those proponents of the bill were greatly displeased by what was termed the House's "semantic manipu - lation". As a result , it was expected that the Senate would not only filibuster for a considerable length of time, but in the process attempt to have some of the bill's initial "objectivity" restored. The bill, having been passed in its "sense of Congress " state, leaves some room for individual interpretation. Case in point : A " sense of Congress" might be interpreted as three weeks time by some, others could interpret it as perhaps three years. 10 SEMANTIC MANIPULATION

expected action, a vote of 61 -30 negated a orooosed filibuster which was designed to delay the draft bill 's passage . The vote to shut off the Senate's filibuster barely made the two thirds majority. As well as extending the draft for two years, the bill provides for a 2.4 billion dollar pay in - crease for members of the military . The pay increase went into effect 1 October, over-riding the wage-price freeze . While affecting the military's upper echelon, the pay increase is specifically designed to give overall benefit to enlisted men . Pen- tagon officials hope the bill increases en- listments, enhancing prospects for an all volunteer army. White House Press Secretary Ron Ziegler reported that Mr. Nixon was "very pleased" with the Senate's action. The President considered passage of the draft bill a personal victory over propon- ents calling for an immediate withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam. Ear- lier, Pentagon officials had warned Con- gress that any prolonged delay of the bill , or its subsequent defeat .would jeopardize the Nation's security . Approval of the draft bill came as a surprise to expert political observers who had anticipated a lengthy debate before any ratificstion occured in the Senate. Having approved the modified legislation, the Senate ended a two and a half month period in which the President's power to conscript was null and void . Earlier , the House of Representatives granted the bill 's passage by a vote of 297 -108 . In the process however, the

1-C ... Member of armed forces or Gov- ernmental task force 1-D ... Reserve member or ROTC mem- ber 1-S ... Student deferred by law until 20th birthday 1-W . . . Conscientious objector willing to perform in the interest of the national welfare 1-Y . .. Registrant available for national emergency only II-A . . . Occupational deferment II-C ... Agricultural deferment II-S ... Student deferment III-A . .. Extreme hardship deferment IV-A . .. Sole surviving son or registrant with prior service IV-B . .. Official deferred by law IV-C . . . Alien not available IV-D . .. Minister of religion IV-F .. . Regfrtrant unqualified for any service V-A ... Registrant over the age of liabil- ity There are a few differences in the old and new draft law. Among them - the draft will last only until l July, 1973, by which time President Nixon or his suc- cessor hopes to have instituted an all vol- unteer force . In this case, all draft pro- cedures will come to a halt, only to be enacted in the event of a national crisis. After that time , 18 year olds will still be required to register. The chan9e having the most effect in the new draft law is that registrants will no longer receive automatic deferments while in college. This change evolves from pressure to make the draft more equit- able. The President now has the authority to end undergraduate deferments, a step

Pentagon had estimated. Officials said that the Pentagon hoped to use the figure as a guideline for future draft calls. It was also stated that future draft calls might be made on a quarterly basis, rather than a month to month basis. This alledgedly would reduce the uncertainty of a regis- trant's chance to be inducted. The num- ber of men was estimated to be the low- est since 1962 when 76,500 men were inducted. In releasing the statement , the Pentagon said the Army is being reduced from its peak Vietnam war strength of 1.5 million to 890,000 . Officials cited an estimated draft figure for 1972 at " slight- ly less than 100,000." Though inductions were expected to begin the first two weeks of October, actual inductions will not occur until mid-October since the Selective Service is required to give a re- gistrant at least 10 days notice before he must report. As with the old law, all men are req- uired to register with the Selective Service System no more than ten days after their eighteenth birthday. Classification of a registrant usually is processed within 30 .days, although there have been reported cases where applicants have waited up to three months for classification. Depend- ing upon the personal background of the individual, that is; student status, physical health, occupation and personal religious background, he is given a draft classifica- tion. The most familiar: 2-S, 1-A, 4-F, 1-0, or l-A-O. Explanation of classifica- tions is as fo!lows : 1-A ... Registrant available for military service 1-A·O ... Conscientious objector avail- able for non combat duty


The general consensus of the Ameri- can people has shifted considerably over the past year ; the last eight months pro- ducing the greatest significant change of opinion . A recent Lewis Harris poll re - vealed that approximately three quarters of this Nation is displeased by the United States' present role in Vietnam. The Senate, in introducing the Mansfield Amendment, was making an attempt to move in a representative manner : Many Senators took time off to involve them- selves personally with their electorates' opinions. Most student activists believe this reason for not granting the amended bill's passage more important than that of "party politics." Where does this legal dickering and newly passed legislation leave the college male? To most of those involved, the answer is: Confused. Since the recently passed bill is an extension of a law which had already been in effect , most laws regarding the Selective Service are the same as those which existed before the draft law lapsed. During the lapse, local draft boards were prohibited from calling any eligible men for induction into the armed forces . These boards however, retained the right to classify, reclassify and call for physical examinations registrants who would be inducted pending a re-institution of the draft. Draft boards throughout · the country , including those in Buffalo, were involved in this process, and waited only for the new law to be passed. Now that the draft has been extended, these boards will begin calling registrants for induc- tion. Upon passage of the bill Curtis Tarr, Director of the Selective Service System, stated that local boards could begin pro- viding the military with draftees within two weeks, if requested. The Pentagon issued a statement calling for inductions to resume during the first two weeks of October. Though draft calls for 8,000 men were issued during the months of July and August, months in which no draft law existed, Tarr said that no parti- cular effort would be made to make up for the absence of draftees during the last three months of this year. That is, there will be no attempt to compensate for the lack of draftees during the summer months by increasing present or future draft calls. Nearly 88,000 men were in- ducted from January 1971 through June of this year. An October 1 statement from the Pentagon said that a call of 10,000 men would be issued for the remainder of 1971. Thus, nearly 100,000 men drafted during 1971; nearly 40,000 less than the

11 )"::)U SEE. FELLOWS 1T DOE.SN'T MAT1'8Fl. wl-lO Does rr J05',- so n-e: ...JoS'S DoNe,'


age for members is 65, as opposed to a previous age of 75. A provision for con- solidation of local draft boards pending consent of the governor was also written into the new law. Divinity students may still be granted deferments, but may have them taken away if they do not enter the ministry immediately upon graduating. The new law as did the old one, provides defer- ments for sole surviving sons and addit- ionally provides deferment eligibility for any registrant whose father, sister or bro-' ther was killed in military service since January 1960. Aliens may not be drafted until residing in the U.S. for a period of one year. Congress also enacted a manpower provision stating that no more than 130,000 may be drafted for the fiscal year of 1972; no more than 140,000 in 1973. The authorized limit for all armed forces was set at 2.4 million for 1972 as compared with 2.7 million for 1971.

relatively the same. In contra~t, the top number of the 1970 induction was 195, anything above having a reasonable cha_ncy of bypassing military service.

which he has said he will take. In the event that he does end college defer- ments, new students such as freshmen will not be deferred, although if they have begun classes they may postpone in- duction until the semester's end. All other students would be eligible for in- duction after four years of undergraduate study, or until they attain the age of 24, whichever comes first . Another segment of the new draft law states that lottery numbers will apply to all men having the same birthdate, re- gardless of their individual draft boards. This eliminates some draft boards being "safer" than others. It also makes the call-up uniform, thus men having the same lottery number will be inductable at the same time. Buffalo draft boards have unofficiallly cited 160 as the stopping point for the 1971 draft. That is, any- thing above stands a reasonable chance of escaping induction . However, an estimate from the National Campus News Service gives the nationwide estimate of 125 as the top draft number. Both estimates are


New rulings this year concerning con- scientious objectors will also have an effect on registrants. Curtis Tarr had earl- ier set up guidelines for granting "CO" status. Despite the new "less stringent" guidelines, "CO" status is not easily at- tained. Tarr stated that the most import- ant factor for judging a registrant's applic- ation for "CO" should be his "sincerity". This still is highly objective and depend- ant upon one's individual draft board. Other changes in the new draft law affect local draft boards. So far as it is known, this is the first measure to make changes in this specific area. Maximum service for draft members is 20 years, down from 25. The minimum age, which had been set at 30 in the previous draft bill has been reduced to 18. Maximum

• 1n Buffalo


and despite the "concern" - unattacked by any methods other than verbal. Inside the Hilton a patriotic decor of red, white, and blue was surpassed only by the patriotic fife and drum backround music. Security for the Vice-President was tight. Count- less Secret Service men, and plain clothes police milled about the main floor and mezzanine area. Name-dropping to secure a meal ticket at the door was respected.


The eyes of three Very Important Politicians focused on the city of Buffalo last week, 7-8 October. Vice-President Spiro Agnew, former Senator Charles Goodell, and New York City Mayor John Lindsey converged supposedly proponants of some of Buffalo's local political candidates. Vice-President Spiro Agnew, the honored quest of Congressman Jack Kemp, spoke at a $100-a-plate fund raising dinner on 7 October, at the Statler Hilton Hotel, downtown. A great deal of speculation accompanied news of the Vice-President's arrival in Buttalo. Members of the Buffalo chapter of the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice arranged a massive demonstration to take place in front of the Statler Hilton on Thursday evening. News that the American Legion in Buffalo had been issued a parade permit by the Bu ff alo police spurred further concern among members of the Peoples' Coalition. At 6:00 p.m. a crowd of about 500 people gathered in Niagara Square despite the chill, windy weather - leafleted, bannered, and vocal. Noted only as "riff-raff on the side II by one member of the Niagara Square rally, the American Legion marched past the Statler and the Square relativly unnnoticed, 12

New York City mayor, John Lindsey received a relatively cool welcome at the State University of New York at Buffalo on 8 October. Lindsey , a guest of Mayor Sedita, ar- rived in Buffalo to endorse the Mayor for Erie County Executive. He deviated from the local topics, however, and went on to speak of the New York City urban prob- lems. Vice-President Agnew had spoken of the coming strength of the American people in economic terms -"competitive spirit" and "inner drive ". Lindsey pushed the ideal into the streets saying that New York City, as with other major U.S. cities, was a menagerie of people who had been excluded from any role in the United States. The U.S., he said, is a na- tion built by the competitive drive of the immigrants and pioneers, and the present Nixon administration turns more toward the power-elite, choosing to "side itself with those who seem to have power". Lindsey stressed the need of respon.- sibility to the oppressed, stating that the first obligation of power, is to the Power- less", that it is time for change, and without change America is "heading for disaster ". He urged that people become politically active, but criticized the street action" of the young political activists. A question and answer session fes- tered with boa's and comments, followed the Mayor 's formal address. One student asked : "Why are you supporting Sedita?" "Because I think he's a good mayor," Lindsey responded. To a question posed : "If you 're so for students... " he responded "Did I say I wa~ for students?" The session was quick- ly brought to a close at this point, Lindsey saying 'thank you' and hurriedly shuffling away.

Agnew o pened his address to the party with a comedy monologue comparable to an impersona tion of Bob Hope by John Wayne . He ci te d Sen a tor George McGovern 's recent trip to Viet Nam as a " fict ion finding tour," and added that be- fo re long "Bob Hope will be entertaining our troups in Canada ." This remark brought several laughs from the crowd. " We ll , of cour se the Mansfield Ammendment is what you might call a wa t e r ed-down Goodell Ammendment. The G:xxlell Amrrendment provided we would cut off all money by an act of Congre ss; by a fix ed date we would get all American men home from Viet Nam... I must say to you that President Nixonob- viously has not been persuing a policy in Viet Nam with which I agree, which I cou ld morally defend because of the price in te rms of American lives, American mon ey , a nd Vietnamese lives, the Vietnamese society . But none the less if he made the decision now to set a fixed date and get out completely, I think we would avoid a possible disaster in the next year." No mention wa s made of the Attica uprisinq ; nor wa s the demonstration that wa s developing outside mentioned . Agnew noted Phase II of the President's Wage -Price Freeze, explaining that the standing guns and butter economic theory stood in direct opposition to the President 's plan for Peace and Prosperity . He condemned the Democratic Party for engaging in "wartime prosperity " a thing he considered to be a " false prosperity ." NO WINNERS. NO LOSERS. JUST ENTITIES. Fo rmer Senator Charles Goodell visited Buffalo , 7 October to support Buffalo Mayor Frank Sedita 's quest for the seat of Erie County Executive . Goodell did not endorse Sedita but said: I'm not involving myself in the local race on either side. " · Flanked by Mayor Sedita and former Representative Richard "Max " McCarthy, Goodell, at a news conference at the Buffalo Interna tional Airport, was asked to state his views on the reasoning con- cerning the recently passed draft bill, minus the Mansfield Ammendment. The former senator attended a Poor Man ' s Dinner at the Masten Street Church , conceived by the People's Coalition , in direct opposition to the $100 -a-plate dinner where the Vice- President sat. Following a reading of let- ters written by an inmate of Attica State Prison, Goodell spoke mostly on prison reform. He stated that although he did not agree with Agnew in his attack on the Attica uprising, he respected the man in his position in the political ring. Later that evening he addressed a crowd of about a 100 people at the State University College at Buffalo , opening his

speech with a definition of Spiro Agnew's name : "Spiro comes from the word spiero which means to scatter like a seed; fling , throw about. Agnew comes from the word Agnoeo in Greek which means not to perceive or know." The crowd laughed lightly . Someone interjected "Scatterbrained," which brought more laughs from the crowd. Goodell went on to speak about the economy, Republican Party politics, and John Lindsey's turn to the Democratic Party . He added that he would not turn to the Democrats : "They're a bunch of man -eating monsters." Goodell described what he called the "Agnew Approach" to some of this coun- try 's troubles : "Where there 's a problem and some- body insists on telling you about that problem, blame that problem on that somebody. If possible ... !able him anti- Arnerican, anti-enterprise , extremist , or whatever you wish. " Goodell charged that Agnew's lexicon is the main cause of the problem. As an example, he set Agnew's article in the editorial section of the New York Times, where Agnew al- ledgedly charged the extremists or those who encourage extremists as the root cause of the Attica tragedy . As with Mayor John Lindsey, Goodell encouraged students to commit them- selves to recognize the problems of today 's world and to commit themselves to what might be done. " You can have a very great impact on this thing. And they're fearful of it. Spiro Agnew here tonight is fearful of it. And we 've got to reverse the course of the last two and a half years in this country." Minus the Mayor, Charles Goodell left the podium that had been plastered with "I'm for Sedita" stickers and daisies.

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