Our Catholic Heritage, Volume VI

Transition Period: The Fight For Freedom, 1810-1836.

OUR CATHOLIC HERITAGE IN TEXAS

PREP,\RED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS OF TEXAS · ]Al\lES P. Grnno:-.s, C.S.C., A.B., Editor

TRANSITION PERIOD

THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

CARLOS E. CASTANEDA, Ph.D., LL.D., K.H.S.

VOLUME VJ

Austin, Texas VON BOECKMAN:-l•Jo:-.~:s COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 1950

NIHIL OBSTAT

JAMES J. O'BRIEN, c.s.c., Litt.B., LL.D. St. Edward's University Austin, Texas Censor Dep,utatu.s

IMPRIMATUR

+ ROBERT E. LUCEY, D.D., S.T.D., LL.D. Archbishop of San Antonio + CHRISTOPHER E. BYRNE, D.D., LL.D. Bishop of Galveston + JOSEPH P. LYNCH, D.D., LL.D. Bishop of Dallas + MARIANO s. GARRIGA, D.D., LL.D. Bishop of Corpus Christi + LAURENCE J. FITzS1MoN, D.D., Ph.D., LL.D. Bishop of Amarillo + SIDNEY M. METZGER, S.T.D., J.C.D., LL.D. Bishop of El Paso + Lours J. RErcHER, D.D., LL.D. Bishop of Austin

TEXAS KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS HISTORICAL COMMISSION

Homwary CJiairman of the Comniisswn

THE MosT REv . . ROBERT E. LucEY, D.D., S.T.D., LL.D.

E%ecutive Committee

THE REv. JAMES P. GIBBONS, C.S.C., A.B., Chairman THE RIGHT REv. JOSEPH G. O'DoNOHOE, LLD., Secretary THE MosT REv. MARIANO S. GARRIGA, D.D., LL.D. THE MosT REv. LAURENCE J. FnzSIMON, D.D., Ph.D., LLD. THE HoN. M. J. BABIN, JR., State Deputy THE HoN. R. CONROY ScOGGINS, Supreme Director

Diocesan Representatives

THE VERY REv . .AI.ois J. MoRKOVSKY, Archdiocese of San Antonio THE REv. ANTON FRANK, Diocese of Galveston THE RIGHT REv. JosEPH G. O'DoNOHOE, LLD., Diocese of Dallas THE RIGHT REv. WILLIAM H. OBERSTE, V.G., Diocese of Corpus Christi

THE REv. ARNOLD A. BOE.DING, Diocese of Amarillo THE REv. HENRY D. BucHANAN, Diocese of El Paso

Historiographer

CARLOS E. CASTANEDA, Ph.D., LL.D., K.H.S.

PREFACE

The completion of this volume was unavoidably delayed by World War II. Hardly had work been begun when the author was called to one of the many agencies set up by the Federal Government for the fuller utilization of all human and material resources required by modern warfare. Not until the spring of 1946 could the work be resumed. Since that time every effort has been made to complete the volume in the shortest possible time without sacrificing sound research to expediency. The period covered is that of the revolt of the Spanish colonies, the Anglo-American colonization of Texas, the development of friction be- tween the government of Mexico and the new settlers, and the outbreak and progress of tl}e Texas Revolution that resulted in the establishment of an independent republic. Much work has been done by many able and critical historians on the various topics herein presented. Never- theless, a reexamination of the sources and a study of the various accounts available have enabled us to present the connected narrative of this stormy period in a new perspective. Purposely we have characterized the period as that of Tlie Figlit for Freed<nn, for beneath it all runs the constant struggle for liberty and individual freedom. It is a fight first against Spain and then against Mexico, not because either the Spanish or the Mexican people were tyrannical, but because their respective governments had fallen into the hands of tyrants. Mexicans and Texans fought side by side against Spain to set up a more liberal and democratic government under which they might enjoy greater liberty. A few years later Mexican and Anglo-American Texans once more fought side by side against the despotism of Santa Anna, who had deprived the nation of its hard-earned freedom. Few Texan or Mexican historians have realized that the 1811 rev- olution of Casas in San Antonio proved a powerful incentive to the leaders of the movement for independence in Mexico and induced Hidalgo and his companions to wend their way to the north, and that the counterrevolution of Zambrano not only ended the first Texan revolt but also led to the ultimate capture of the leaders of Mexican inde- pendence, an incident which changed the whole course of e~ents and delayed the consummation of independence for a decade. Likewise, it has never before been brought out that the declaration of independence

drawn by the Junta set up by Gutierrez de Lara in San Antonio in 1813 is the first of its kind in Spanish North America, since it ante- dates that of Morelos. In view of contradictory but reliable evidence, the oft repeated and generally accepted conclusion appears unfounded that the Anglo-American contingent that had been cooperating with Gutierrez left shortly after the capture of San Antonio in April, 1813, because they had been shocked by the bloodthirstiness of the Mexican leader, who had the Texan governor and his officers treacherously be- headed. A large number of American filibusters did leave, but as their leader frankly confessed in his correspondence, they left because of their disappointment at not having been given a more important post in the newly or~ized Junta of the First Republic of Texas under the green flag. The reader will find in this volume a number of similar incidents presented in a new light. Made clearer, too, are the relations between the Mina Expedition, Lafitte and Aury, Lallemand and the Champ d'Asile, and Long; the bases for misunderstandings between the set- tlers are reviewed, and the progress of the Revolution is followed in the light of the original sources. More particularly, what happened to the missions, bow the Catholic Church slowly deteriorated, the reasons why the new settlers were not made to comply with their oath of al- legiance to the Catholic Faith, and the part that Catholics in Texas played in the development of the colonies and in the struggle for in- dependence-all these questions are answered for the first time by a carefur study of contemporary records and other sources. The good- natured but unscrupulous Muldoon, the sacrificing and unselfish Fray Diaz de Leon, and the services of many others who labored in the sunset of the Church in Texas under the Spanish and Mexican regimes are presented with accuracy. Throughout the volume an earnest effort has been made to maintain the same high standards of scholarship that have characterized the previous volumes. Sources have been scrutinized; accounts of incidents, compared; doubts, investigated; and figures, verified. The author wishes to acknowledge his deep gratitude first of all to Reverend James P. Gibbons, C.S.C., Chairman of the Texas Knights of Columbus Historical Commission, for his patient guidance and con- structive criticism. Equally useful have been the suggestions and advice of the Most Reverend Laurence J, FitzSimon, D.D., Bishop of Amarillo, and Most Reverend Mariano S. Garriga, D.D., Bishop of Corpus Christi;

Doctors Charles W. Hackett and Eugene C. Barker, of the University of Texas, and the Right Reverend William H. Oberste, Chancellor of the Diocese of Corpus Christi. The author is indebted to Miss Marcelle E. Hamer and Doctor Nettie Lee Benson, of the Texas and the Latin- American Collections, respectively, for their consistent kindness in the consultation of the many treasures under their care, to Paul H. Walters, of Austin, and R. B. Blake, of Nacogdoches, for the loan of useful materials in connection with the final secularization of the missions at La Bahia and the last days of the Church in Nacogdoches. CARLOS E. CASTANEDA University of Texas

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I The Beginnings of Revolt in Texas, 1810-1812.................................. x CHAPTER II Restoration of Royal Authority............................................................ 24 CHAPTER III Revolutionary Lull ................................................................................ 43 CHAPTER IV Revolution Flares Again........................................................................ 61 CHAPTER V The First Republic of Texas................................................................ 86 CHAPTER VI Continued Foreign Intrigue and Turmoil, 1813-1818........................ 121 CHAPTER VII Last Filibustering Expeditions and the Attainment of Independence, 1817-1820 ······ ··· ···· ·· ·· ·· ····"··· ····· ··· ··· ··· ···· ···· ···· ···· ··········· ·· ··· ···· ····· .. ··· 148 CHAPTER VIII Foreign Colonization of Texas, 1820-1835.... .................................... .. 176 CHAPTER IX The Development of Friction, 1820-1835......................................... .. . 220 CHAPTER X The Struggle for Independence, 1835-1836............. ...... ..... ......... .... ... 258 CHAPTER XI The Agony of the Missions and of the Church Under the Mexican Regime, 1821-1836 ........................................................................ 307

Bibliography ............................................................................................ 357

Index ........................................................................................................ 363

ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

Fray Antonio Diaz de Leon, 0. F. M., martyr. "From its blood-soaked ashes the Church would rise again" ................................................................................. . F r()1t,tispiece

Earliest Capitols of Texas....... ... .... ... .. ......... ......... .. .... .. ...F acing page 86

Seal of the First Republic of Texas, 1813 .. ......... .... ....... Fadng page u6

Heroes of Mexican and Texan Independence, 1814- 1818 ..................................................................... ....... Facing page 140

The First President and Vice-President of Texas.. ........F acing page x86

The Father and the Grandfather of Texas.. ................... .F acing page 224

Mexican Signers of the Texas Declaration of Inde- pendence ............................................................. ....... Facing page 272

Map Showing Footsteps Across Texas.. .... .. ....... .. ... ..... .. .F acing page 384

THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

• I .

CHAPTER I

THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION IN TEXAS 1810-1812

Revoluti.<m in Mexico. Like a blinding flash the news of the uprising in Villa de Dolores struck terror in the hearts of Spanish officials from Viceroy Francisco Xavier Venegas, recently arrived, to the lowliest officer in the most distant provincial outpost. The Revolution initiated by Father Hidalgo stirred the vast multitude that for three centuries had labored hopelessly for their Spanish masters. The awakening quickened even the plodding pioneer of faraway Texas. In vain did Commandant General of the Interior Provinces Don Neme- sio Salcedo warn Governor Manuel Salcedo to redouble his vigil in Texas, and take all precautionary measures to prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas, the introduction of foreign agents, and the activity of seditious leaders. If it was difficult to keep intruders from slipping through the vast, unpopulated, poorly guarded frontier along the Louisiana border, it was impossible to keep ideas out, for ideas cannot long be confined. With the advance of the Mexican Revolution northward from the central plateau, restlessness in Texas increased perceptibly. Spanish officials in this remote province found themselves between two fires- revolution having broken out simultaneously in Florida and Mexico and rapidly converging upon Texas. Governor Manuel Salcedo and Lieutenant Colonel Simon Herrera attempted in vain to prepare against the ap- proaching storm. Repeatedly they had asked, pleaded, and implored- almost with tears in their eyes-for sufficient troops, adequate supplies, and proper equipment to maintain peace and order and to repel threatened attack. They were fully aware of their precarious position, literally sitting on a powder keg with the flames of revolution furiously sweeping towards them. 1 The revolutionary doctrines proclaimed by Father Hidalgo fell on eager ears far and wide, and ardent disciples took up the task of con- verting the masses to the new ideas and impelling the people to action. In the peaceful, obscure, pioneer settlement of Nuevo Santander (modem Tamaulipas) lived Jose Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara. No ordinary man 1 For a detailed account of the Mexican Revolution In J8 Jo see Hubert Howe Ban- croft, Hi.stor,y of t/111 Nortl, M11i:icar, Stal11s a,,tl T11i:as, II, J i'·33, and his HiJto,,y of M11i:ico, IV i H. I. Priestly, Tl,1 M11i:ica,, Nali<m.

Our Caelwlic Heritage in T e:t:as

was he. The Gutierrez family had helped found Revilla (modem Guerrero) on the southern banks of the Rio Grande as early as 1750, and had helped defend it against marauding Indians. But the clarion call of liberty from distant Dolores came ringing in his ears to stir his very soul. From a peaceful business man and merchant, from a patient black- smith, Gutierrez was suddenly transformed into a flaming mouthpiece of the Revolution on the northern frontier. Undaunted by defeat, he was soon to seek aid from the young Republic of the United States of America, and return to play a prominent role in the history of Texas. 2 According to his own account, Gutierrez first converted his clerical brother, Father Jose Antonio, and then awaited anxiously the opportunity to become an active participant in the struggle for liberty. When in No- vember, 1810, he heard that Lieutenant General Mariano Jimenez, one of Hidalgo's most able subordinates, had entered San Luis Potosi in triumph, he felt it was time for action. Immediately he dispatched couriers to Agua- yo, the capital of his native province, with inflammatory proclamations to be distributed among the troops and inhabitants. He urged them to throw off the yoke of Spain and join the ranks of freemen. So winning and effective was the enthusiastic letter of appeal of Gutierrez to Captain Benavides that he assumed leadership, and succeeded in having Gov- ernor Salcedo denounced and forced to flee to the coast with only a few faithful followers. The Revolutionists soon swept over the entire province, while hundreds of Loyalists hurriedly fled to the adjoining Province of Coahuila to help the Governor, Cordero, stem the tide of the onrushing rebellion. 1 Encouraged by success, Bernardo Gutierrez and his brother, Father Jose Antonio, now turned their efforts to Coahuila and Nuevo Leon. Stirring appeals and proclamations urging the troops and the people to join the ranks of the Insurgents were dispatched without delay to friends and leaders in both provinces. The effectiveness of their propa- ganda soon became evident. While Jimenez carried the Revolution north from San Luis Potosi with the aid of ardent sympathizers like the Gutierrez brothers, Viceroy Venegas strained every nerve to muster the resources of New Spain 'The best biography of this remarkable character, who hu been unjustly b:amed for the rna.ssacre of Spanish prisoners In San Antonio, was published In I 9 I 3 by Lorenzo de la Garza, Dos H ermanos H ero11. 'Jose Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara, "To the Mexican Congress, an Account of the Progress of the Revolution from the Beginning," Pap,rs of Mirab,au Bonapart, LaMar (Austin, 1921-1928), edited by Charles Adams Gulick :ind Katherine Elliott, l, 5,

The Beginni11-gs of Revolution in Texas, 1810-1812

for a blow that would crush the Revolution. He dispatched messengers to inform Governor Cordero at Saltillo of his plan to entrap Jimenez. Cordero was to advance south upon the forces of Jimenez while Briga- dier General Felix Calleja was to march north to meet him. Before Cordero could execute the movement, however, sedition had made deep inroads among his men, recently swollen to more than two thousand by volunteers from Nuevo Santander. Aware of the disaffection in the Royalist ranks, Jimenez wrote letters to five of Cordero's captains inviting them to join him. At the same time he formally invited Cordero himself to surrender so as to avoid sacrificing his troops uselessly. But Cordero's loyalty could not be shaken. Unaware of the weakened morale of his men, he disdainfully spurned the suggestion and ordered his troops to march from Saltillo to give battle to the upstart. Much to his chagrin and surprise, his entire force joined the ranks of the rebels, whom they met at Aguanueva on January 6, 1811. Cordero was astounded when he became a prisoner of war amidst general rejoicing.' The success of the Revolutionists in Nuevo Santander and in Coahuila, together with the active work of the Gutierrez brothers and other en- thusiastic patriots, brought Nuevo Leon into the fold. The Governor in Monterrey, realizing perhaps the futility of trying to stem the tide, took the initiative. The revolutionary wave had swept everything before it from San Luis Potosi to Monterrey. Between the Revolutionists and the liberal, liberty-loving Anglo-Americans, from whom they hoped to get aid, lay only Texas. Jimenez now established his headquarters at Saltillo, and directed all his attention to winning the settlements along the Rio Grande and in Texas. 5 Father Jose Antonio Gutierrez was among the first to offer his per- sonal services to General Jimenez. Realizing the influence of his new collaborator because of his priestly character, Jimenez commissioned him to incite to revolution the five cities along the Rio Grande: Laredo, Revilla, Mier, Camargo, and Reynosa. The work of the Jimenez agents in the Lower Rio Grande Valley, headed by Father Jose Antonio Gu- tierrez, was so successful that the fugitive Governor of Nuevo Santander wrote Viceroy Venegas in February, 1811, that "revolution and terror rage in the settlements along the Rio Grande."' 'Julia Kathryn Garrett, Gr,111 Flar 011,r T1%a.r, 34·35; Frederick Chabot, T,,:a, m 1811, Yanaguana Society Publications, VI, 23-24. 1 "The Trial of Father Juan Salazar," A.G.M., HiJtorill, /ffd1;1ffdu,,J1s, Vol. 412. 'Garrett, q,J. cit., 3 5.

Our Catl,olic Heritage in Texas

Discontent and unrest i,i Texas. As revolution swept relentlessly on its northward course, the people in Texas grew more and more con- fused and restless. Contradictory stories of the Napoleonic plots, the infiltration of liberal ideas brought by adventurous traders from the United States, and the fiery appeals of American filibusters eager to liberate Texas from Spanish tyranny kept the inhabitants of the vast province in constant indecision. John F. Smith, a resident of Natchitoches and friend of Dr. John Sibley, wrote Father Huerta in Nacogdoches at this time: "I can raise a thousand men and place them around your banners. I wish to aid you to defend the cause which you have so justly undertaken to support. The gods desire to protect you until victory is gained. You should abandon your king [Ferdinand VII] at once, for he is unworthy to rule you, having submerged his sovereignty beneath the tyranny of Napoleon and spilled oceans of blood in the heart of his kingdom." Smith then expatiated on the well-known Ameri- can idea that all men are born equal and that tyranny of kings justifies subjects in establishing a free and independent government. 7 Huerta promptly turned Smith's letter over to the officials in San Antonio. Viceroy Venegas, Commandant General Don Nemesio Salcedo, and Governor Manuel Salcedo were fully aware of the smouldering dis- content among the people in Texas. Before Jimenez advanced as far as San Luis Potosi, Salcedo had issued an appeal to the people in his jurisdiction to avoid being misled by false information. Napoleon's concern was not to bring happiness to the people, he declared, but to gain control of the colonies, to destroy religion, and to enslave America. His purpose was to deceive them just as he had deceived Ferdinand VII and Pope Pius VII, the latter of whom he desired to make a virtual prisoner. All loyal subjects were urged to help put down rebellion. The best means of promoting the general welfare in such troubled times, he counseled, was to maintain peace and order. He warned that the giving of aid or comfort to French agents and sympathizers would be high treason and those convicted would be executed within twenty- four hours after pronouncement of sentence. Those found guilty of spreading propaganda to stir up rebellion would be hanged as traitors; but those who remained loyal and helped preserve peace and order would be duly rewarded.' · Shortly after this proclamation was issued, two revolutionary agents, 1 Smlth to Huem, April 19, 1811, B,rar Arc/siv,s; Mattie Austin Hatcher, Tli1 o,,,,,,,, of T1ras to For,,,,, S1ttl1mmt, 1801-1821, 205-214. •N. Salcedo to the People of the Interior Provinces, October 24, 181 o, Na&oKdoc/,11 Arcllhm, XV, IIO•II7,

T/1e Begimungs of Revol11tion in Texas, r8IO-r812

sent possibly from Saltillo or Monterrey, were discovered working among the troops, and were imprisoned. Charged with inciting rebellion, Lieu- tenants of Militia Francisco Ignacio Escamilla and Antonio Saenz were confined in old Mission Valero. 9 The revolutionary spirit in the capital of the remote Province of Texas was not confined to the military. While the Cabitdo remained unshaken in its loyalty, the rank and file of the populace had begun to take to the idea of independence. Sibley, in a letter from Natchitoches to Secretary of War Eusiis, written in November of 1810, reported that he had learned from two reliable informers that a group of citizens in Bexar:-with more than a few notables among them-had declared in favor of independence and had elected as their representative a priest, who was holding himself in readiness to attend the proposed Mexican Congress. 10 Revolution was in the air. Soldiers and civilians alike felt liberty stirring in their hearts. Thus came to a close the first year of the Mexican Revolution. The new year dawned with an overcast of dire forebodings for the Governor of Texas. The triumphant forces of the Insurgents were almost at the Rio Grande; the sympathies of the people were with the Revolution; French agents and American adventurers were becoming ever bolder and more threatening along the eastern frontier. Governor Salcedo was calling for a concerted effort to crush the rebellion before it could gain strength from Anglo-American sympathizers. But he himself had little hope of receiving aid from Viceroy Venegas to prevent the inhabitants of Texas from following the example of Nuevo Santander, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon. Governor Salcedo knew that if the revolt in the interior provinces was to be crushed, the loyal subjects in Texas would have to deliver the decisive blow at the earliest possible moment. To the faithful inhabitants of Texas Governor Salcedo, therefore, made one last plea for their support. He attempted once more to dispel the doubts and fears that made them falter in their attachment to the King. He vehemently denied and branded as false the charge that vice- regal officials were planning to deliver them to the French, and warned them against French propaganda spreading hatred for European-born Spaniards in order to create dissension and bring about their own ruin. He appealed to them in the name of religion, patriotism, and gratitude to remain loyal to the King. 11 9 Garrett, Green Flag Over Texas, 40-41; Chabot, Texas in 1811, 23-25, 55. 10 Letter cited Qy Garrett, oj. cit., 40-41. 11 Manuel de Salcedo to the Faithful Inhabitants of Texas, January 6, 1811, Bexar ArcMves.

Our Catholic Heritage in Texas

Rebellion in San Antonio. Through the somber clouds of impending doom, flashes of lightning gave warning of the approaching storm. With the coming of the new year Governor Salcedo made a fateful decision. On January 2, 18n, he announced to the troops·assembled in Military Plaza that they would shortly be ordered to the Rio Grande on an im- portant mission. There was no perceptible reaction other than a stiffening of the men as they stood at attention.u He had decided to give aid to Viceroy Venegas in a desperate effort to put down rebellion in the interior. Salcedo's announcement raised doubts in the minds of the soldiers as to the reason why they were to be sent out of the province. Rumors became rife. Ambitious leaders and ardent rebels fanned the ugly mood of the military into open revolt. They were told that Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera were planning to abandon Texas; that they were leaving the inhabitants to the mercy of the savages; that they were taking with them all their possessions, including the provincial treasury ; that Salcedo had sent his wife to Nacogdoches to make certain of her escape to Louisiana; that Herrera had had all his furniture and personal belongings packed for shipment to the interior; that orders had been issued for the burning of the barracks after the troops left the Alamo; and that only a few soldiers would remain behind to behead Saenz and Escamilla, the two agents from Nuevo Santander imprisoned in Valero Mission.u Discontent and bitterness increased almost by the hour and the grum- bling became more widespread. San Antonio was a seething cauldron threatening to boil over at any moment. The soldiers, many of whom had been long stationed in the city, were reluctant to leave their families under the circumstances, and the alarming rumors of the contemplated abandonment of the entire province served only to increase their ap- prehension. The night of January 15, 18n, proved almost fatal to established authority. Aided, no doubt, by some of the disgruntled soldiers, Lieutenant Saenz C$C3.ped from his guards at Mission Valero and joined a group of fellow conspirators who had planned to seize Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera and establish a provisional independent govern- UCbabot, Teras in I8II, 35-97; Garrett, Green Flag Over Texas, 38-41. ll"Trlal and Execution of Captain Juan Bautista Casas," in Frederick C. Chabot, Tera.1 in 18u, 35-97. The facts summarized here are taken from the depositions made by the various witnesses appearing at the trial. This important document was published for the first time In 1941 by the Yanaguana Society of San Antonio. See also Garrett, u,. cit., 38-41. The rumor that Salcedo's wife had gone to Nacogdoches b traceable to the fact that the Governor had come from Louisiana to Texas.

The Beginnings of Revolution in Texas, 18IO-r812

ment until they could tum the province over to the Insurgents. Fortu- nately, the plot was discovered just in time and the conspirators were captured before they could carry out their plan. Saenz and his com- panions were returned under heavy guard to Mission Valero. It was a close call. The following day Governor Salcedo, comprehending the seriousness of the situation he faced in San Antonio, promptly counter- manded his order for the march to the Rio Grande. 14 Two days later, a general meeting was called to discuss measures to prevent a repetition of the ·incident and to pacify the people. Representa- tives of the Cahildo, the Church, and the military attended. The Junta unanimously expressed strong disapproval of the plot and denounced all revolutionary activity as dastardly and criminal. They solemnly professed their unshakable loyalty to the King and to their religion, and gave a vote of confidence to Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera for promptly arresting the conspirators. The Junta discussed and approved plans for the immediate strengthening of the villa de- fenses. In view of the situation that had arisen, they recommended for the present the abandonment of the contemplated march to the Rio Grande. 15 Despite the profession of loyalty made by the Junta, the seeds of re- bellion and discontent adroitly planted by revolutionary agents had taken root in the hearts of many, both among the soldiers and the citizenry. For the time being open revolt was narrowly averted. Calm followed the abortive effort of Saenz to seize power, but like the calm that precedes the storm, it was stifling and filled with almost unbearable suspense. The Casas revolt. Captain Juan Bautista Casas, a retired officer of the Nuevo Santander militia, was residing in San Antonio at this time. His sympathies were with the cause of the Insurgents and his per- sonal ambition prompted him to take advantage of the situation. Older and more experienced than the two emissaries, he had watched and bided his time. He knew that the protestation of loyalty on the part of the municipal and ecclesiastical officials did not express the feelings of the people or of the soldiers. The assurances given by Salcedo that the troops would not be ordered to the Rio Grande had not completely allayed the fears of the people, for they were wondering what he would do next. 14 Manuel de Salcedo to Domingo Rodriguez, January 16, 1811, Ber.or Arc/iives,· Chabot, op. cit., 24. 15 Minutes of the Junta held in San Fernando de Bexar, January 18, 1811, Bexar .Arc/iives.

Our Catholic Hm/.age in Texas

Whatever confidence remained was shattered on January 2 I, I 8 II, when Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera informed the gar- rison that they would soon march to the Cibolo, the Guadalupe, or the Colorado for field maneuvers and military instructions. The explanation that this move would also give the troops an opportunity to hunt wild cattle did nothing to remove the suspicion of some ulterior motive. A feeling of uneasiness spread throughout .the barracks and the city. Everyone seemed to think that the moment for action had come. At about five o'clock that evening Ensign Vicente Flores called upon Alcalde Francisco Travieso, the most prominent officer of the City Council, with whom he seemed to be on intimate terms. Flores told him that the soldiers had resolved not to obey orders from the Governor or from anyone else to leave the city, and informed him that they were ready to follow Captain Juan Bautista Casas whenever he gave the word. Travieso was pleased to learn of the attitude of the troops, because he himself was disgusted with the prospect of commanding a citizen- guard to protect the city. He let Flores know that the Governor had told him that it was the duty of citizens as well as of soldiers to defend the country, and that when the soldiers departed, he, Travieso, would be left in command of a group of civilian volunteers to defend the city. This did not seem right, in the opinion of Travieso. The two, being in accord, decided to go immediately to discuss the whole situation with Captain Casas. They had agreed that neither the Governor. nor the troops should be pennitted to abandon the city and leave its defense to the inexperienced volunteers. By the time they ar- rived at the home of the chief conspirator, soldiers and civilians had already started to hold conferences surreptitiously with Casas. Flore~ and Travieso were invited into the house, where they remained until almost midnight. Their prolonged conference with Casas w~ frequently interrupted by callers, who were interviewed by Casas outside in guarded whispers. Shortly before midnight all the details of the coup d'etat were com- pleted. It was agreed that on the following day Flores and Travieso would return to Casas' residence, and just as reveille sounded, go to military headquarters to call on the troops to denounce their officers, recognize Captain Juan Bautista Casas as their leader, and then with the troops in formation proceed to Military Plaza to seize Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera. 16

16 "Trlal and Execution of Captain Juan Bautista Casas," in Chabot, Texas ;,, 1811. T~e facts summarized are taken from the declarations made by the various

Tlie Beginnings of Revoltetion in Texas, r8ro-r812

Alcalde Travieso was up before dawn. He went first to the house of Lieutenant Flores, and then the two proceded as unostentatiously as possible to Casas' residence. .Two other conspirators were making their way to the same rendezvous, Sergeant Miguel Reyna and Corporal Tomas Pinedo. Travieso and Flores were wrapped in long cloaks, per- haps to keep the chill of the early morning from dampening their spirit, perhaps to prevent identification by the soldiers, should anything go wrong at the last minute. The sharp notes of reveille rang out as dawn began faintly tinging the cold, gray horizon. Captain Casas, accompanied by three or four soldiers and the two cloaked figures, strode briskly towards military head- quarters. So well timed had been the departure of the conspirators that they arrived just as the last note sounded. Travieso, armed with a rifle, took position just outside the door of the captain of the guard. The sentinel halted the conspirators and called out the guard, who recognized Casas and permitted him to enter the quarters of the officer of the guard. Captain Nicolas Benites at first refused to surrender, but was over- powered and made prisoner. Casas, thereupon, came out and was en- thusiastically received by the assembled troops. Captain Casas placed himself at their head and marched from the barracks at Mission Valero to Military Plaza to seize.Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera. Flores and Travieso, having discarded their cloaks, boldly marched on either side of Casas. When they arrived at the Governor's Palace, they learned that the Governor and the Com- mandant, suspecting that all was not well, had gone to the barracks. Back marched Casas, with the troops still in formation. Just as they reached the barracks, they saw Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera, accompanied by several officers, coming out to meet them. Colonel Herrera demanded an explanation. Casas informed him that there was no use to resist. Governor Salcedo then admitted that he knew this was to happen. He begged to be allowed to serve in the ranks as a common soldier. As he spoke, he advanced towards the soldiers stand- ing at attention and asked one of them for a musket to place on his shoulder. Captain Casas moved quickly. Placing himself between the Governor and the soldier who was about to hand him his _rifle, he informed Salcedo that it was too late to make amends, and placed him under arrest. Salcedo, Herrera, and the officers with them offered no further re- sistance and gave their word of honor that they would not attempt to witnesses during the trial. The best and most detailed declaration was that of Fran• cisco Travieso, who turned king's evidence.

I I l

l j l

Our Catlwlic Heritage in Texas

escape if they were allowed to remain in their homes under guard Their request was granted by Casas, and the distinguished prisoners were escorted by the troops to the Governor's Palace, where they were confined. As Salcedo and Herrera were led into the palace, the troops instinctively presented arms-a fitting tribute to the two loyal and gallant officers, who for years had exerted themselves to the utmost in defending the remote Province of Texas.11 The principal collaborators in the successful co"p d'etat were Sergeants Miguel de Reyna, Blas Jose Perales, Patricio Rodriguez, and Trinidad Perez, whose close association with the soldiers proved invaluable in winning them to the cause. Equally significant was the cooperation of Corporal Tomas Pinedo (Penedo?) of the Nuevo Santander Company stationed in Bexar. Among the commissioned officers were Captains Pedro Falcon and Vicente Tarin, and Lieutenant Vicente Flores. Two civilians, Alcalde Francisco Travieso and Gabino Delgado, a city councilor, both descendants of the first Canary Islands settlers, gave the Casas revolt the weight of their prestige and the seal of approval of the citizens of Bexar. It must not be thought that these men were planning independence. Captain Casas was motivated by his personal desire for power; his principal supporters were, likewise, eager to wrest authority from the constituted officials. In seizing the Governor and the Commandant, and in declaring themselves for the King, the preservation of their faith, and against bad government by European-born Spaniards, they followed the pattern set by Father Hidalgo and his group. Theirs was a movement, not for independence from Spain, but against corrupt colonial administration and for a larger measure of participation in local self-government. Their knowledge of the aims and purposes of the Insurgents and of the leaders in Nuevo Santander, Nuevo Leon, and Coahuila was scant. So true was this that Casas himself did not know that Father Hidalgo had been deposed from command by Allende, one of his subordinates, or that Lieutenant General Jose Mariano Jimenez had been given juris- diction by Allende over the northern provinces. The first report of the successful overthrow of the Government in Texas, sent on January 23, was addressed, therefore, to Hidalgo. Not until February 3 did Captain Casas apologize to Jimenez, when he frankly admitted that he had been

11 Chabot, o;. cit., 24-25, 36-67; Garrett, o;. cit., 40-42.

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The-Begimungs of Revolution in Te%a.s, r8ro-r812

"absolutely without any information concerning the rank of the superior officials who administered the government of our America." 11 Organizatwn and spread of the revolt. But to return to Captain Casas and Governor Salcedo. At nine o'clock on that eventful January 22, the triumphant rebels marched back to the guardhouse in Mission Valero to set free the prisoners held there, concern for whose safety had been one of the causes for the revolt. First to be released were Lieutenants Antonio Saenz and Francisco Ignacio Escamilla, who had come so near being executed for their revolutionary activity. With them were liberated Jose Antonio Salcedo (no relation of the Governor), Francisco Arocha, Alejandro de Uro, Farias, and a Frenchman by the name of Labarra. Having released all the prisoners, Captain Casas ordered the arrest of all Gachu,pines (European-born Spaniards), as also the confiscation of their property. 19 Casas now busied himself with organizing a junta (governing council), and immediately gave orders to Lieutenant Antonio Saenz to take eighty mounted troops with all haste to Nacogdoches to bring back the Gover- nor's wife, to protect the interests of the King, and safeguard "our holy religion and the country." He was also to place under arrest the commander and assistant inspector, Cristobal Dominguez, any other of- ficers who refused to recognize Casas as governor, and all European- born Spaniards, whose property he was to confiscate. As a reward for their loyal support, Casas appointed Francisco Travieso and Gabino Delgado to assist Lieutenant Saenz in the confiscation proceedings. The party left that same afternoon. A messenger was sent posthaste to Captain Luciano Garcia at La Bahia to proclaim the new order, depose the commander, and arrest all European-born Spaniards. Captain Garcia was hesitant in carrying out 11 Juan Bautista Casas to Dr. Don Miguel de Hidalgo, January 23, 181 I j Casas to Jose Mariano Jimenez, February 3, 18II; Chabot, Teras;,, 1811, 75-77, 79-80. 19 Before the end of the day the prisoners included Governor Manuel Salcedo, Lieutenant Colonel Simon Herrera, Captains Geronimo Herrera, Juan Martin Eche- varria, Jose Goseascochea, Miguel de Arcos (a Creole), Juan Ignacio Arrambide, Joaquin de Ugarte, and Francisco Pereyra (from Saltillo), Lieutenants Juan de Castaneda (from Punta de Lampazos), Gregorio Amador, Jose Montero (a Creole), Juan Jose Elguezabal, and Miguel Serrano (from Lampazos). Besides these officers, all European-born Spaniards residing in San Antonio were placed in custody, except a master barber, Juan Fernandez, and a retired sergeant by the name of Jose Gabriel Parras. Among the civilians arrested was Dr. Jayme Guerra. (or Garza), a surgeon in the military hospital of San Fernando de Bexar. "List of prisoners," cited by Chabot, o-p. cit., 82. Dr. Jayme Guerra (or Garza) was later freed and testified as to Casas' state of health during his trial, ibid., 68.

Our Catlwuc Heritage in Texas

the instructions of Casas, and Dominguez, the commander of the old presidia, succeeded in making his escape toward Coahuila with two or three followers. Casas was more than provoked by the dilatory conduct of Captain Garcia and sent Captain Jose Agavo de Ayala to replace him and put him in custody for failing to prevent the escape of the commander. The following day Casas reported to Father Hidalgo the success of the coup d'etat, and his election as governor ad interim by the people of San Antonio and the troops in recognition of his courageous leader- ship. He expressed the hope that he might be confirmed in his new office and assured the Father of Mexican Independence he would accept with gratitude "whatever grace you my see fit to bestow upon me." This 'communication was eventually received by Jimenez in Saltillo, who in conference with Brigadier General Pedro de Aranda, revolutionary gov- ernor of Coahuila, agreed to appoint Captain Casas governor ad interim of the Province of Texas. The appointment reached San Antonio the first week in February, and the proud leader of the revolt boasted to the people in a proclamation issued on February 9, 1811, 20 that by his ap- pointment as brigadier general and military governor of Texas he had been authorized to use "all the powers which his judgment might dictate." Success was turning his head. Before long his injudicious use of dis- cretionary powers was to prove his undoing. Rebellion reaclus Nacogdccl,es. While Casas issued daily proclama- tions in Military Plaza to inform the people of the progress of the revolt and urge their undivided support for the new regime, Travieso, Delgado, and Lieutenant Saenz hurried eastward on their mission. No sooner were the settlers of Villa Trinidad de Salcedo (Spanish Bluff) informed of the recent events that had transpired in San Antonio than the local au- thorities and the people declared themselves in favor of Casas. Saenz and his companions pushed on to Nacogdoches. The emissaries of the new order reached their destination on February 1, ten days after leaving San Antonio. Fast and hard blows followed. Neither the troops nor the people were loyal. Captain Cristobal Dominguez, a courageous officer who had been selected by Governor Salcedo a year before as the special guardian of the eastern gate to the Province of Texas, was quickly put in irons. The victors seized the public archives 20 Prodamation to the inhabitants of the Province of Texas signed by Juan Bautista Casas, Diego Jose Ramon, and Juan Bautista Solis, is reproduced in Chabot, Texas ;,, 181I, 78-79. The date of the proclamation is erroneously given as February 3 In Garrett, Green Flag Over Teras, 43,

The Beginnings of Revolution in Texas, ·r8ro-r812

and treasury, imprisoned all Spaniards,· and confiscated their property. A provisional government was set up by Saenz to rule Nacogdoches in the name of the people. Six days after his arrival, Lieutenant Saenz started his return march to Bexar with six prisoners. Among them was Father Fray Francisco Maines, chaplain of the presidia! company, whose property had been seized because of his friendship with Governor Salcedo. He was treated with all the respect due his priesthood both en route and after his arrival in San Antonio. 21 It seems that Chaplain Cavazos in San Antonio had also incurred the displeasure of Casas, and that after being removed from his post, he appealed to Jimenez. The latter had in the meantime sent Father Jose Antonio Valdes to replace Father Angel Cavazos, whose loyalty was in question. Desirous of avoiding the enmity of the clergy, Casas proposed that Cavazos remain as chaplain of the presidio troops until proved guilty of the charge and that Valdes be appointed chaplain of either the auxiliary militia company or the company of veterans stationed in San Antonio. 22 When Father Miguel Martinez, chaplain of La Bahia, strongly remonstrated against the arrest and sequestration of the property of European-born Bernardo Amado, Casas was genuinely vexed. He in- structed the commander at La Bahia to keep the Padre under surveillance, and that if his conduct revealed he was a Royalist, he should, with all due reverence, be taken in custody so that he could do no harm. In a report of the incident to Jimenez, Casas wrote: "It appears to me that we should consider our own safety rather than that of our enemies; more so at present, for it is to our interests to take advantage of all opportunities to maintain the honor and dignity of this government, which rules for the best interests of all." He asked Jimenez for authority to relieve the chaplain of his duties. 23 But Casas was more worried about the military prisoners than he was about the reluctance of the clergy to join his regime wholeheartedly. As early as February 3, 18n, he had tactfully broached the subject in a letter to Jimenez. The following day he wrote that the prisoners in his care could not be tried in San Antonio because there were too many cases to handle and because he feared the probable consequences. He feared-and with good reason-that the continued presence of Governor Salcedo and Commandant Herrera in San Antonio would serve as a

2I Casas to Jimenez, February 28, 1811, Chabot, O'j>. cit., 84. 12 Casas to Pedro de Aranda, February 12, 1811, ibid., 81-82. 13 Casas to Jimenez, March 8, 1811, ibid., 85.

Our Catlwlic Heritage in T eza.s

rallying point for die-hard Royalists. He was very anxious, therefore, to dispatch them to Jimenez or to anybody else to dispose of them. 24 His anxiety was at last relieved by an order from Brigadier General Pedro Aranda, revolutionary governor of Coahuila, to send the prisoners under guard to Presidio de Rio Grande. On February 12 Vicente Flores set out from Bexar with thirty men to escort the fourteen military prisoners: Governor D. Manuel Salcedo, Lieutenant Colonel D. Simon de Herrera, Captains D. Geronimo de Herrera, Juan Martin Echevarria, Jose Goseascochea, Miguel de Arcos, Joaquin de Ugarte, Francisco Pereira, Juan Ignacio Arrambides, Lieutenants Juan de Castaneda, Gregorio Amador, Jose Montero, Miguel Serrano and Jose Elguezabal. Governor Salcedo and Captain Arcos, who were considered the most dangerous, were put in heavy chains. The others, excepting Lieutenant · Elguezabal, were securely handcuffed. The instructions were to keep the caravan constantly on the move and to try to ~ake the fifty-one leagues to Presidio de Rio Grande in three and one-half days. The miserably wretched prisoners took seven days to reach their destination without a moment's rest. Casas was at last rid of them. 25 Texas was freed of Spaniards. Before long Casas was to regret his action. Significance of Casal success. In two short weeks the people of Texas had overthrown the royal authority of Spain. They proudly called them- selves Americans, and congratulated themselves on having established a government of Americans for Americans. They despised the Spaniards as much as they hated the French, but they felt a common bond between themselves and the people of the United States. The Insurgents through- out the Interior Provinces of New Spain looked to the United States as a natural ally in their struggle for freedom and independence. Texas was the open road through which essential aid could come. It was of the utmost importance for them, therefore, to control Texas if they were to be successful. But the Royalists in Mexico also realized that control of Texas was essential to crushing the Revolution. Texas, thus, became the prize sought by both Revolutionists and Royalists. The news of the success of Casas and the Revolution was received with enthusiasm and rejoicing by the people of Natchitoches, for an independent Texas would mean free commerce with Nacogdoches and the rest of Mexico, and would bring prosperity and good will. The "Casas to Jimenez, February 3, and 4, 1811, in Chabot, o-j. cit., 80-81. lSList of Europeans who were taken by order of Pedro de Aranda to the Presidio de Rio Grande published by Chabot, Teras in 1811, 82-83; Garrett, Grun Flag, 44-45.

The Beginmngs of Revolution in Tezas, I8IO-I812

National lntell.igencer in Washington published a report from Natchi- tiches dated February 14, x8u, giving details of the Revolution. "God grant them success,'' wrote the editor, but wisely reflected, "... the revolution may change men and things." He hinted that it might be well to reinforce the Louisiana outposts against any emergency. 26 But forces were at work destined to tum the tide of rebellion temporarily. The rapidity of the advance of the Mexican Revolution north from San Luis Potosi had stunned the Royalists, but it had neither converted nor exterminated them. Even as Casas was at the height of his glory, Brigadier General Jimenez was facing a serious threat in Saltillo. The Royalist forces had been reorganized. The undisciplined and ill-equipped hosts of the Revolu- tion were no match for seasoned troops. Brigadier General Calleja attacked Hidalgo and Allende, and by defeating them in mid-January, forced their abandonment of Guadalajara. The Revolutionists retreated to Zacatecas as Calleja marched triumphantly into their former head- quarters. Allende, blaming Hidalgo for the defeat, had him removed from command. Dissension in the poorly organized ranks of the Revolu- tionists did not improve their chances of success. The ap-proacl,, of evi,l days. How to hold the northern provinces was perplexing Jimenez. In desrair he called upon Allende for help. He pointed out that the northern provinces must be held at all costs in order to keep open communications with the United States. He knew from reliable sources that Anglo- American reinforcements and arms would soon arrive in Texas. 27 To hasten the much-needed aid, Jimenez wrote Allende that Marshal Ignacio Aldama and Father Juan Salazar had been commissioned early in Feb- ruary to proceed to the United States by way of San Antonio to negotiate with the Anglo-Americans. 21 Allende did not need to have impressed on him the importance of consolidating the gains made by the Revolutionists in the northern provinces. Throwing caution aside, he resolutely marched from Zaca- tecas to the aid of Jimenez. He had no sooner left Zacatecas than the Royalists took possession. Calleja, having reorganized his forces in the meantime, had entered San Luis Potosi in triumph and was Z6Washington National Intelligencer, April 9, 1811, reprinted in Chabot, Teras in 1811, 148. 27Carlos Maria de Bustamante, Cuadro Historko .•. , I, 186-191, 197; IV, I 59·160. 21Lucas Alaman, Historia de Merko, II, I 50, 165-167; J. E. Hernandez y Davalos, Coleccion de Documentos, I, 233-234.

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