interests and exploiters. Or instead of deriving ethics from the commandments of morality, from the commandments of God, they derived it from the idealist or semi-idealist phrases, which always amounted to something very similar to God’s com mandments. We repudiate all morality taken apart from hu man society and classes. We say that it is a decep tion, a fraud, a befogging of the minds of the workers and peasants in the interests of the land lords and capitalists. We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests o f the class struggle of the proletar iat. Our morality is derived from the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat^ What does this class struggle mean? It means overthrowing the tsar, overthrowing the capitalists, abolishing the capitalist class.2 This means that Communism utterly repudiates moral law. It further means that the Communists be lieve that anything — absolutely anything — is right if it carries out the will of the Party and overthrows those who oppose them. Their view of morality means that their moral system or scale of values will not only be different from ours but in opposition to ours, since they maintain that their class interests are in opposition to ours —: and morality must further class interests. To illustrate what this means with reference to morality we can take four moral laws. First, “ thou shalt not steal.” The Communists maintain that this is but the law of the ruling, property-holding class which enables it to protect its property. Of course, if theft is wrong, the institution of private property cannot be wrong. But the Communists deny the Biblical right of private property. And they maintain that their interests are opposed to ours; therefore, it is right to steal if it will help the Party. Second, “ thou shalt not commit adultery.” Com munists maintain that this is based on the idea that the wife is the private property o f the man. Thus this law is a means of protecting his private property. Since they deny this right they maintain that it is right to commit adultery if it will advance the interests of the Party. Third, “ honor thy father and thy mother.” Com munists maintain that this is based on the idea that the child is the private property of the parents and therefore should obey and honor them. The Communist Manifesto indicates that the family is based on the idea of private ownership and that when Communism finally arrives the family will be abolished. They be lieve that children should dishonor their parents if so commanded by the Party. Thus children in Com munist countries are taught to tell the authorities if their parents have and express any ideas contrary to Communism or for religion. In some countries, such as Red China, this has led to the death of the parents, and the child has been held up in the classroom as a hero. In Red China today in some of the “ People’s Communies” they are trying to destroy the family. Fourth, the law of love or good will is also repudi ated by Communists, and in .its place class hatred is instilled. These illustrations make crystal clear what the Communists mean when they say that morality is but a means of furthering class interest, and that since they represent a different and opposing class in society their moral system is not only different from but in opposition to our moral system.
Who determines the interests of the proletariat whom the Communists claim to represent? The inter ests of the proletariat are determined by the Com munist Party in the U.S.S.R. What is good for the Party is good for the working man all over the world! Anyone who understands their view of morality knows that negotiation, as we conceive of negotiation, is impossible with the Communist. To them the con ference table is but another battle line, and if we think otherwise we lose another battle. They are duty bound, according to their viewpoint, to make treaties which will give them some advantage; and they are also duty bound to break them when it is to their advantage. They are duty bound to make treaties which they never intend to keep — if and when they can thus deceive their opposition.3 As they signed on No vember 16, 1933, the pledge of non-interference in the internal affairs of the United States they were violat ing the agreement.4 Ambassador Bullitt well understood the Communist perversion — we may even say, inversion — of moral ity when April 20, 1936, he wrote: “Dimitrov . . . warned his communist comrades that they were not good communists if they felt that it was indecent or unduly hypocritical to become the collaborators and pretended friends of democrats in order the better eventually to lead those democrats to the firing squad. “ The problem of relations with the Government of the Soviet Union is, therefore, a subordinate part of the problem presented by communism as a militant faith determined to produce world revolution and the ‘liquidation’ (that is to say, murder) of all non-be lievers. “ There is no doubt whatsoever that all orthodox communist parties in all countries, including the Unit ed States, believe in mass murder. Moreover, the loyalty of a believing communist is not to the nation of which he is technically a citizen but to his faith and to the Caliph of that faith. To such men the most traitorous betrayals are the highest virtues.” 5 “ Yet it must be recognized that communists are agents of a foreign power whose aim is not only to destroy the institutions and liberties of our country, but also to kill millions of Americans.” 6 How can we be honest if we refuse to believe the truth about the Communists ? To believe the truth about them, and their repudiation of morality, must lead us to conclude with Bullitt: “We should not cherish for a moment the illusion that it is possible to establish really friendly relations with the Soviet Government or with any communist party or communist individ ual,” 7 How many times must this illusion be tried be fore we learn ? How many more times can we follow this illusion and survive as free men? Footnotes 1. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1957, pp. 67, 78, 79. 2. Lenin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1953, pp. 20-21, 22. 3. For examples of broken treaties see Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, Soviet Political Treaties and Vio lations, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1955. 4. For a protest by Ambassador Bullitt against their repudiation of their pledge see Foreign Relations of the United States, The Soviet Union, 1938-1989. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952, pp. 257-258.
5. Ibid., p. 291. 6. Ibid., p. 292. Z. Ibid., p. 294.
James D. Bales is author of the book, “ Understanding Com munism” published by Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, Michigan, from which this chapter is taken.
JU LY, 1963
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