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(89) James M. Dorsey, “Towards a New World Order,” in China and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom (Cham: Springer, 2019), 46, https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-64355-7_2. (90) Ibid, 47. (91) Hussain, Mehmood, & Jamali, Ahmed Bux. “Geo-Political Dynamics of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor: A New Great Game in South Asia,” Chinese Political Science Review 4 (2019): 315, https://link.springer. com/article/10.1007/s41111-019-00128-y. (92) Jean-Marc F. Blanchard, ed., China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative and South Asia: A Political Economic Analysis of its Purposes, Perils, and Promise (Singapore: Springer, 2018), 9 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5239-2. (93) Fei Xu,Belt and Road: Culture and Communications Aiming at Great Unity. In The Belt and Road: The Global Strategy of China High-Speed Railway,First Online: 25 July2018,57.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1105- 5_3. (94) Senge H. Sering, Expansion of the Karakoram Corridor: Implications and Prospects (New Delhi: Lancers Books in association with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2012), 42.https://idsa.in/system/files/OP_ Karakoramcorridor.pdf. (95) Hasan Yaser Malik. “Strategic Importance of Gwadar Port.” Journal of Political Studies, vol. 19, no. 2, 2012,4 . https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/277396451_Strategic_Importance_of_Gwadar_Port ) أحمد بدير، «ميناء «جوادر».. اقتصاد الشــرق الأوســط في فم التنين الأصفر»، بوابة الهدف 96 ( https :// hadfnews . ،) 2025 يونيو/تموز 28 (تاريخ الدخول: 2018 فبراير/شباط 21 الإخبارية، ps / post / 38347 ) عمــاد عنــان، «وصف بأنه دبي الجديدة: كيف يهدد ميناء جوادر الباكســتاني دور الإمارات 97 ( ) 2025 يونيو/تموز 28 (تاريخ الدخول: 2017 نوفمبر/تشرين الثاني 27 الإقليمي؟، نون بوست، https :// www . noonpost . com / content / 20915
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