through an excessively politically correct methodology. 329 Critics of the RtoP doctrine argue that the increased acceptance of military interventions represents the re-emergence of Western imperialism within the UN. However, the critical failures of Rwanda demonstrates that the enduring issue of what Hehir labels ‘inhumanitarian non - intervention’ remains ever present. 330 In order to carry out the new model of humanitarianism, the UN must not experience the same inability to react accordingly, and uphold the Responsibility to Protect. Nevertheless, the UN’s intervention in Bosnia showed the international community that lessons had been learned, and the use of force to protect the rights of repressed civilians was still very much a liable option, as Francis Abiew argues; “not to meet the challenge of Bosnia would have been a profound failure of collective will and an abdication of moral responsibility by the entire international community.” 331 This, one could argue, also contributed to the swift response of the UNSC regarding the need to intervene in East Timor and Kosovo. It is important to remember that there have, and will always be situations where non-intervention is of course the correct procedure for the UN. The issue here lies in the UNSC’s perception of what constitutes a worthy, legitimate vindication for the use of force whereby the RtoP doctrine must be applied. For example, recollection of the original definition of a humanitarian intervention noted within Chapter 1 presents the phrase; “ending human rights violations.” 332 However, despite contradicting the moral status of the definition, the violations would have to be on a significant enough scale to warrant a humanitarian military intervention. Should the UN intervene where the violations are of a limited severity across an inconsequential scale,
329 David Rieff, A Bed for the Night: Humanitarianism in Crisis , (London, Vintage, 2002)
330 Hehir, pp. 251. 331 Abiew, pp. 69. 332 Marjanovic, ‘ Is Humanitarian War the Exception? ’
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