Vietnam's intervention in Cambodia, Tanzania's intervention in Uganda, and of course NATO's intervention in Kosovo. I do not believe that the ability to veto UN resolutions should be removed, I do however believe the protection of human rights and the international co mmunity’s responsibility to protect has a much higher priority and should always be pursued under just, necessary motivations and means. Finally, I would recommend the redefinition, or at least a standardised definition of a security threat vindicating a humanitarian military intervention. As aforementioned within Chapter 3, perceptions on what exactly constitutes a threat to international peace and security is often contradicted, causing disagreements on the decision to intervene. This is particularly common between the United States, Russia and China. In order to prevent another failure similar to that of the League of Nations, members of the UN must come to an agreement over intervention legitimacy. Whether either of these three reforms will achieve any form of ascendency over the upcoming decades will be interesting to see. Nevertheless, one must consider the fact that “Mass starvation, rape and suffering will reappear as global threats, and humanitarian intervention will continue to smoulder on the publi c policy agenda.” 340 So too then, will the controversies surrounding intervention. I therefore believe that these issues will soon be addressed, and with the correct application of thought, implemented to achieve utmost efficiency and accountability to the RtoP doctrine. Conclusion Humanitarian intervention and the use of force has, and will always remain a contentious issue for the international community, this much has certainly been evident within my research. I have analysed the significance not just of producing a standardised
340 Neil Macfarlane, Caroline Theilking an d Thomas Weiss, ‘The Responsibility to Protect: Is Anyone Interested in Humanitarian Intervention?’, Third World Quarterly , 25.5, (2004), pp. 986.
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