Nationalism and the Habsburg Empire
the general population felt they had much greater control over the state. The relatively effective bureaucracy of the government meant that people were additionally able to appreciate real improvements to their lives thanks to the central government (Judson, 2016, pp. 267–268). The expansion of the suffrage also took away power from the more nationally conscious upper and middle classes. The dilution of their power allowed the state to make use of the greater loyalty of the working classes. This was particularly important as the proletariat held much more power due to urbanism and industrialization, and grew in numbers and ability to communicate and organize as the 19 th century progressed. As a result, the position of the Habsburg Empire was much more secure. This is evident in the fact that, although often led by members of the middle class, revolutions and rebellions in 1917 and 1918 were largely working class (Judson, 2016, p. 305). The importance of democracy and a strong bureaucracy in loyalty to the empire is revealed through its collapse during the First World War. Martial law was imposed, and less attention was paid to the bureaucracy: as a result, people revolted (Scheer, 2024, p. 116). Huge food shortages certainly exacerbated this, but there had been such shortages between 1848 and 1918 which had not caused such a collapse in loyalty (Cornwall, 2000, pp. 35–36). Therefore, the destruction of democracy and weakening of the bureaucracy were the primary causes of the weakening and destruction of the Habsburg state. The Austrian Parliament and the Badeni Crisis of 1897 The Badeni Crisis of 1897 was a seminal moment in the national history of the Habsburg monarchy, often seen as evidence of disloyalty to the central government. Badeni, a Polish Prime Minister of Austria, tried to institute language reforms across the Austrian half of the empire. These would mean that both German and the local language were to be known by public servants (Judson, 2016, p. 273). This was met with massive protests, largely by Austria’s German-speaking population. They were deeply opposed to the weakening of power for a language that they considered to be superior. Unsurprisingly though, it was highly popular among national minorities. In fact, across many Czech cities such as Prague, there were large marches in solidarity with the proposed changes (Beneš, 2015), although German opposition did force Badeni to resign at the time. Following this collapse of government, cabinets until the empire’s collapse were largely comprised of bureaucrats and experts and were unstable (Cohen, 2025), both factors revealing the importance of nationality to Austro- Hungarian citizens. However, these attempts at reform signify the extent to which the central Habsburg state was trying to address issues of national discrimination at all levels of society. Those from minority nationalities became more willing to genuinely engage with the state. This was because they were able to see, through attempts at such significant reform by those highest in politics, genuine efforts at expanding their rights. The crisis did reveal the difficulty of the position of Austro-Hungarian officials – particularly in ethnically mixed areas like the Sudetenland – in dealing with the varied nationalities of the country. However, even the brief institution of these reforms reveals the extent to which the empire had progressed to national equality and a capability to inspire loyalty in all its subjects. The Reichsrat was often highly chaotic due to attempts by political parties to prove their dedication to their cause – even if they didn’t actually effect change. Despite this, it was able to provide an outlet for the discontent of the disparate interests of the empire’s population. National interests were very well-represented in the Reichsrat – if not over-represented by nationality-focused parties.
267
Made with FlippingBook - PDF hosting